Criminal Justice Policy Innovation in the States

Date01 September 2003
Published date01 September 2003
AuthorJackson Williams
DOI10.1177/0887403403252456
Subject MatterJournal Article
10.1177/0887403403252456ARTICLECRIMINAL JUSTICE POLICY REVIEW / September 2003Williams / CRIMINAL JUSTICE POLICY INNOVATION
Criminal Justice Policy
Innovation in the States
Jackson Williams
Public Citizen’s Congress Watch
Theearly1990ssawaflurryofactivityincriminaljusticelegislationon both the state
and federal levels. By Januaryof 1993, pollsters found that crime had overtaken eco-
nomicissuesasthecountry’smost important problem. During this time, four criminal
justice policy innovations became popular with both state and federal officials:
“Truth-in-Sentencing” laws, “Three-Strikes-You’re-Out” laws, “boot camps” for
convicted offenders, and juvenile court transfer provisions. This study attempts to
determine what factors influenced states’adoptions of these innovations. It finds that
states’crime rates were positively correlated with adoption of the measures,but other
objective state factors, such as sentence length, werenot. Strained state resources did
not deter legislatures fromenacting these policies. Voter ideology and political cul-
ture had less than expected impact. The study concludes that political entrepreneurs,
rather than state characteristics, were responsible for adoption.
Keywords: legislation; state; corrections
The early 1990s saw a flurry of activity in criminal justice legislation on
both the state and federal levels. In 1991, the percentage of Americans cit-
ing crime in response to the survey question “What do you think is the most
important problem facing this country today?” began to edge upward. By
January of 1993, crime overtook economic issues as the most frequent
response to the question, a reign that lasted for about 2 years (Gallup Orga-
nization, 1999).
During this time, four criminal justice policy innovations became popu-
lar with both state and federal officials: “Truth-in-Sentencing” laws,
“Three-Strikes-You’re-Out” laws, “boot camps” for convicted offenders,
and juvenile court transfer provisions. This study attempts to determine
what factors influenced states’ adoptions of these innovations.
Truth-in-sentencing (TIS) laws were aimed at reducing early releases of con-
victed offenders from prison. In many states, prison inmates are allowed a
401
Criminal Justice Policy Review, Volume 14, Number 3, September 2003 401-422
DOI: 10.1177/0887403403252456
© 2003 Sage Publications
one-day reduction in their sentences for every day of good behavior.
Whereas day-for-day “good time” assisted prison administrators by creating
incentives for good inmate behavior and by serving as a safety valve in over-
crowded facilities, the nationwide average percentage of time served by
offendersrelative to sentences was 48% (Greenfield, 1995). Well-publicized
crimes committed by offenders released early became a rallying point for
politicians interested in the crime issue. The solution offered by TIS was a
guarantee that offenders would serve at least 85% of their sentences behind
bars. By 1997, 27 states had adopted TIS, all but 5 of them between 1993 and
1997 (U.S. General Accounting Office, 1998).
Three-strikes-you’re-out laws were also inspired by well-publicized inci-
dences of recidivism. Nearly every state had, prior in 1993, “habitual
offender” laws that enhanced sentences for repeat violations. Many, but not
all, of these laws mandated life sentences for a third offense. Three Strikes
laws were intended to apply mandatory life sentences to more offenders.
Between 1993 and 1995, 24 states adopted Three Strikes laws (Clarke, Aus-
tin, & Henry, 1998).
Boot camp was the term applied to so-called “impact incarceration” pro-
grams. Offenders would be offered the opportunity to serve reduced sen-
tences under more stringent conditions, including the discipline traditionally
imposed in military boot camp training facilities. Offenders were also to be
offered some type of education and training along with the discipline. By
1995, 29 states had instituted boot camp facilities (Cowles, Castellano, &
Gransky, 1995).
Althoughprosecution of juvenile offenders typically takes place in a juvenile
court, every state has laws allowing juveniles to be prosecuted in adult crimi-
nal courts under certain circumstances. Between 1992 and 1995, “all but ten
states adopted or modified laws making it easier to prosecute juveniles in
criminal courts” (Torbet et al., 1996). The legal mechanisms to allow the
“juvenile transfers” are judicial waivers, whereby a judge has discretion to
transfer a prosecution; direct file provisions, which give the prosecutor dis-
cretion to file in criminal rather than juvenile court; and statutory exclusions,
which mandate prosecution in criminal court for certain classes of offenders
or offenses.
This study examines factors that may have influenced states to adopt
these policies during the 1993-1995 period. In applying the techniques that
the field of political science uses to study policy innovation, I hope to shed
light on one of the questions criminologists have long pondered—why does
a society make and have particular criminal laws?
402 CRIMINAL JUSTICE POLICY REVIEW / September 2003

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