Correctional Officer Mental Health Training: Analysis of 52 U.S. Jurisdictions

Date01 May 2020
Published date01 May 2020
AuthorLauren E. Kois,Kortney Hill,Preeti Chauhan,Lauren Gonzales,Shelby Hunter
DOI10.1177/0887403419849624
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0887403419849624
Criminal Justice Policy Review
2020, Vol. 31(4) 555 –572
© The Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0887403419849624
journals.sagepub.com/home/cjp
Article
Correctional Officer Mental
Health Training: Analysis of
52 U.S. Jurisdictions
Lauren E. Kois1, Kortney Hill2, Lauren Gonzales3,
Shelby Hunter1, and Preeti Chauhan2,4
Abstract
Research indicates correctional officer (CO) mental health training may be effective
in facilitating the safety and security of both inmates and COs. We assessed
Department of Corrections’ CO preservice (requisite for beginning an official post)
mental health training requirements in 50 states, the District of Columbia, and the
Federal Bureau of Prisons. We obtained information regarding instruction method,
training duration, and courses required. Descriptive statistics showed that all
jurisdictions require mental health training, ranging from 1.5 to 80 hr (M = 13.54,
SD = 14.58, Mdn = 8). When considering course titles, the most common course
topic is crisis intervention (n = 44, 84.62%). The next most frequent course topics
are general psychoeducation (n = 24, 46.15%), special populations (n = 12, 23.08%),
specific clinical interventions (n = 7, 13.46%), institutional procedure specific to
mental health (n = 6, 11.54%), and CO mental health and self-care (n = 4, 7.69%).
Future research should examine whether CO mental health training is related to
positive mental health outcomes and other important institutional metrics, as well
as variations in training and its impact at the national and international levels.
Keywords
mental health training, mental illness, offenders, correctional officers
1The University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, AL, USA
2John Jay College, City University of New York, NY, USA
3Adelphi University, Garden City, NY, USA
4The Graduate Center, City University of New York, NY, USA
Corresponding Author:
Lauren E. Kois, The University of Alabama, Box 87034, Tuscaloosa, AL 35487, USA.
Email: lekois@ua.edu
849624CJPXXX10.1177/0887403419849624Criminal Justice Policy ReviewKois et al.
research-article2019
556 Criminal Justice Policy Review 31(4)
The United States has the highest population of incarcerated individuals in the world
(Carson & Anderson, 2017), and research suggests that mental health is a major con-
cern within incarceration settings. Compared with the general population, individuals
in jails and prisons report disproportionately high levels of serious psychological dis-
tress (Bronson & Berzofsky, 2017) and are more likely to meet criteria for major
psychiatric disorders (Steadman, Osher, Robbins, Case, & Samuels, 2009). Although
this imbalance is well documented, we know little about how correctional officers
(COs)—those on the “front lines” in incarceration settings—are trained to work with
incarcerated individuals with mental illnesses (IMI). To address this research gap, we
examined required preservice mental health training for COs (i.e., training requisite
prior to beginning an official post) for all 50 U.S. states, the District of Columbia, and
the Federal Bureau of Prisons.
Mental Illness in Incarceration Settings
Some research exists on the prevalence of mental health problems among individuals
who are incarcerated. James and Glaze’s (2006) report on those incarcerated by U.S.
state and federal correctional facilities revealed that about 14% in federal prisons, 20%
in local jails, and 34% in state prisons endorsed mental health problems (diagnosed by
a professional, hospitalized for psychiatric reasons, prescribed medication, and/or
received professional psychotherapy) in the past year. In Maryland and New York
State, Steadman et al. (2009) attended specifically to gender differences and found that
15% of males and 31% of females who were incarcerated met criteria for at least one
severe mental illness—such as major depressive disorder, bipolar disorder, schizoaf-
fective disorder, or schizophrenia. Another study found that about 35% of individuals
in jails met criteria for co-occurring mental health and substance use disorders (Sung,
Mellow, & Mahoney, 2010). More recently, research found that about 14% of indi-
viduals incarcerated in state and federal prisons and 26% of individuals incarcerated in
jails experienced serious psychological distress (as measured per Kessler et al.’s
(2003) measure) within 30 days preceding a clinical interview (Bronson & Berzofsky,
2017). These results underscore that individuals incarcerated in the United States have
higher rates of serious mental health problems than the general public.
Research suggests that once incarcerated, individuals often lack access to critical
mental health services. Slightly more than a decade ago, a survey found that among 134
jails across 39 states, only 40% contained special purpose mental health units (Ruddell,
2006). IMI can experience greater difficulty adjusting to incarceration and commit
more infractions than incarcerated individuals without mental illnesses (Appelbaum,
Hickey, & Packer, 2001). As noted by Adams and Ferrandino (2008), infractions for
IMI often lead to punitive measures such as physical restraint and secure housing,
which may exacerbate anxiety, depression, anger, cognitive disturbances, perceptual
distortions, obsessive thoughts, paranoia, and psychosis. Furthermore, this increase in
the number of disciplinary incidents may contribute to longer lengths of stay, including
being less likely to earn early release, probation, or parole and serving an average of 12
months longer than incarcerated individuals without mental illnesses (see Amrhein &

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