“Contrasts in Tolerance” in a Single Jurisdiction

Published date01 September 2013
AuthorNessa Lynch
Date01 September 2013
DOI10.1177/1057567713498094
Subject MatterArticles
Article
‘Contrasts in Tolerance’
in a Single Jurisdiction:
The Case of New Zealand
Nessa Lynch
1
Abstract
There is considerable literature on the causes of punitiveness in late modern society. Penal tolerance
and its causes are less well studied. Both studies of punitiveness and tolerance have relied on analysis
of single jurisdictions across time, or comparatively across jurisdictions. New Zealand offers a
perhaps unique case study of a jurisdiction that hosted a tolerant and progressive youth justice and a
punitive adult justice system in the same time period. This article considers three factors that have
operateddifferently in eachsystem to promote punitivenessor tolerance inthe two decades from 1989.
These are the mode of legislative and policy development, the participation of victims of crime in the
criminal process,and how legislation and policy are implemented by professional decision makers.
Keywords
comparative crime/justice, crime policy, courts/law, juvenile justice
Introduction
Roberts remarked in 2003 (p. 249) that ‘‘although vast, the international literature on sentencing
reform has to date paid scant attention to developments in New Zealand’’ (see also Brown & Young,
2000). The adult criminal justice system has attracted considerably more comment since as an exam-
ple of punitiveness (Cavadino & Dignan, 2006; Lacey, 2011; Pratt, 2007, 2008a; Pratt & Clark,
2005). This punitiveness is symptomized by high rates of incarceration and reactive law making
which has expanded both front-end and back-end measures in response to crime. Conversely, the
New Zealand youth justice system has been well known in the literature since at least the early
1990s (Hudson, Morris, Maxwell, & Gallaway, 1996; Maxwell & Morris, 1993). The youth justice
system has been described as progressive and tolerant, particularly in relation to the development
and use of noncustodial, diversionary, and culturally appropriate measures in response to youth
offending (Muncie, 2001). In a companion article (Lynch, 2012a) and more broadly in a recent book
(Lynch, 2012b), I briefly considered this paradoxical contrast as context for analysis of major leg-
islative reform of the youth justice system which took effect in late 2010. (The year 2008 marked a
1
Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand
Corresponding Author:
Nessa Lynch, Victoria University of Wellington, PO Box 600, Wellington 6011, New Zealand.
Email: nessa.lynch@vuw.ac.nz
International CriminalJustice Review
23(3) 217-232
ª2013 Georgia State University
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/1057567713498094
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change in youth justice policy after the election of a center-right coalition government, which had
youth justice reform as a key element of its electoral platform, Lynch, 2012a.) There, I suggested the
youth justice system is now ‘‘playing catch-up’’ with the more punitive adult system. In this article,
the question of how and why a small jurisdiction could host two such different systems will be fully
considered through a retrospective analysis of the almost two decades from 1989 to 2008. There are
three principal parts to this discussion. The first will consider the drivers of punitiveness and toler-
ance, and emphasize that commentators have overwhelmingly focused on punitiveness and its
causes and on developments across time in a single jurisdiction or comparatively across jurisdictions
in a specified time period. The second part will analyze the New Zealand context, tracing the courses
taken by the adult and youth systems and discussing factors that have influenced the orientation of
each system. The third part zeroes in on three factors that have operated differently to influence the
respective systems toward punitiveness or tolerance. These are the mode of legislative and policy
development, the participation of the victim of the offence in the criminal process, and how legis-
lation and policy is implemented by decision makers within the system. It is argued that consider-
ation of the New Zealand situation offers a perhaps unique opportunity to consider drivers of
tolerance and punitiveness within a single jurisdiction in a specified time period. In particular, this
case study should facilitate finer analysis of factors promoting tolerance and contribute to the ques-
tion of whether law reform of itself can promote penal tolerance.
Punitiveness and Tolerance
There has been considerable comment on the subject of punitiveness in late modern society (Gar-
land, 1996, 2001; Pratt, 2007). Commentators have identified the prevalence of what is variously
described as ‘‘populist punitiveness’’ or ‘‘penal populism.’’ The term populist punitiveness coined
by Bottoms (1995, p. 40) conveys the notion of politicians ‘‘tapping into, and using for their own
purposes, what they believe to be the public’s generally punitive stance.’’ Its synonym ‘‘penalpopu-
lism’’ is defined by Pratt (2007, p. 12) as arising where
...criminals and prisoners are thought to have been favoured at the expense of crime victims in partic-
ular and the law abiding public in general. It feeds on expressions of anger, disenchantment and disillu-
sionment with the criminal justice establishment [emphasis in original].
Similarly, Cavadino and Dignan (2006, p. 437) note the:
unprecedented politicization of punishment ...politicians have vied to present the voters with tough,
populist and high-profile positions on ‘law and order’, aided and abetted by popular media which sen-
sationalize crime and portray penalties as excessively lenient and an increased harshness as the effective
response to crime.
There is a sizable body of literature on the causes of such punitiveness. Certain commentators
have sought to explain the rise of punitiveness in specified jurisdictions across the temporal axis
(Roberts, Stalans, Indermaur, & Hough, 2003). Pratt and Clark (2005) conclude the drivers of puni-
tiveness in New Zealand to be (long term) a homogenous society and (more recently) neoliberalism,
and the cumulative effect of populist lobby groups, a crime-obsessed media and the politicization of
crime, particularly victimization. Newburn (2007) posits that punitiveness in England and Wales
was driven by neoliberalism (see also Reiner, 2000) and political parties seeking to make electoral
capital from a ‘‘tough on crime’’ approach. The politicization of penal policy and the rise of neoli-
beralism and deregulation have also been identified as a cause of the ‘‘stratospheric’’ (Pratt, 2011)
contemporary imprisonment rate in the United States (Tonry, 2004; Wacquant, 2010; Whitman,
218 International Criminal Justice Review 23(3)

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