A Content Analysis of Sex Offender Registries: The Influence of the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA) on Registry Information

Published date01 October 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/08874034231187300
AuthorJohn C. Navarro,Christina L. Shellabarger
Date01 October 2023
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/08874034231187300
Criminal Justice Policy Review
2023, Vol. 34(5) 488 –505
© The Author(s) 2023
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DOI: 10.1177/08874034231187300
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Article
A Content Analysis of
Sex Offender Registries:
The Influence of the Sex
Offender Registration and
Notification Act (SORNA) on
Registry Information
John C. Navarro1
and Christina L. Shellabarger2
Abstract
Sex offender registries contain information available for public access through
websites. In 2006, the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act (SORNA), a
core piece of the Adam Walsh Act, was introduced to overhaul the disparate SORN
systems across states. Although instrumental in systematizing the sex offender policy,
there has yet to be a sufficient investigation into SORNA’s effects in shaping public
website registry requirements. Our quantitative content analysis of 50 state sex
offender online registries categorized the 88 identified registry elements into seven
mutually exclusive features: liability concerns, dissemination of information, mapping
features, search features, listing details of registrants, offense information, and victim
information. Findings show that states largely share many common registry elements,
with multivariate analyses suggesting SORNA-compliant registries are more likely
to publicly share eight elements specifically relating to registrants’ search and listing
features and offense location.
Keywords
sex offender registries, Adam Walsh Act, sex offenders, notification, content analysis
1Sam Houston State University, Huntsville, TX, USA
2Washington State University, Pullman, USA
Corresponding Author:
John C. Navarro, Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Sam Houston State University,
Huntsville, TX 77341, USA.
Email: jxn044@shsu.edu
1187300CJPXXX10.1177/08874034231187300Criminal Justice Policy ReviewNavarro and Shellabarger
research-article2023
Navarro and Shellabarger 489
Introduction
Sex offender registries in the United States consist of federal and state-level systems
that collate information about convicted sex offenders for law enforcement and public
notification purposes. The sharing of registrant data through public websites is wide-
spread, with its distribution of information publicly accessible via websites in all 50
states. As of October 2021, registries disseminated information on 973,258 registered
sex offenders.1
Although several states developed sex offender registration and notification (SORN)
policies prior to it being a federal mandate, the development of sex offender registries
became prevalent in the 1990s and 2000s. During this time, there was an advent of fed-
eral policies that formalized sex offender registries and extended the availability of this
information to the public. However, a lack of standardization yielded interstate dispari-
ties regarding what information was communicated among agencies and to the public.
Concerns about interjurisdictional coordination, enforcement, and information sharing
were furthered when registry advocates linked the unsubstantiated claim of 100,000
missing or lost registrants to the heterogeneity of SORN policies between states (Harris
et al., 2020; Levenson & Harris, 2012). The enactment of the Sex Offender Registration
and Notification Act (SORNA), a federal law under Title I of the Adam Walsh Child
Protection and Safety Act of 2006 (AWA), aimed to improve the efficiency of sex
offender legislation by focusing on data quality, access, consistency, and exchange.
While SORNA has led to increased legislative efforts to collect more information about
individuals convicted of sexual offenses for law enforcement and public notification
purposes, there are judiciary concerns that as the number of registrants grows online, law
enforcement resources are becoming strained, which may negatively impact the ability
of the public to identify registrants who pose a risk (Doe v. Snyder, 2016).
Two reasons support the importance of an investigation of registry content and how it
has adapted to SORNA. First, we bring attention to the need to generalize existing
research on registry content to the present context (Brewster et al., 2012; Mustaine &
Tewksbury, 2013; Tewksbury & Higgins, 2005), particularly as the registrant population
has increased from 500,000 in 2005 to almost one million, with an annual growth of over
25,000 registrants (Harris et al., 2020; Tewksbury & Higgins, 2005). A 2019 opinion
debated at the United States Supreme Court level held that SORNA is a retroactive policy,
substantially increasing the number of individuals listed on the registries since most sex
offenders were identified as pre-act offenders (Gundy v. United States, 2019). Second,
each iteration of research reviewing online registries demonstrated marked differences in
the registry elements that were publicly shared (Brewster et al., 2012; Mustaine &
Tewksbury, 2013; Tewksbury & Higgins, 2005), and subsequent work by Harris et al.
(2017, 2020) helps identify the wider impact of SORNA on registry elements.
Sex Offender Legislation
The expansion of sex offender registries is associated with laws passed at the federal
level in the 1990s and 2000s, which were a response to high-profile sex crime cases

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