Constructing Gangs: The Social Definition Of Youth Activities
| Author | Kimberly Kempf-Leonard,Scott Decker |
| DOI | 10.1177/088740349100500401 |
| Published date | 01 December 1991 |
| Date | 01 December 1991 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
271-
Constructing
Gangs:
The
Social
Definition
Of
Youth
Activities
Scott
Decker
University
of
Missouri-St.
Louis
Kimberly
Kempf-Leonard
University
of
Missouri-St.
Louis
Abstract
Despite
previous
research,
there
remains
no
consensus
on
definitions
of
who
is
a
gang
member,
what
is
a
gang,
and
what
is
gang
activity.
This
paper
examines
these
issues
based
on
results
of
a
survey
administered
to
two
groups
involved
in
responding
to
gangs—members
of
a
gang
task
force
and
officers
of
an
urban
police
department—and
a
group
of
juvenile
detainees.
Considerable
differences
are
observed
among
the
three
groups
in
their
ap-
praisal
of
the
extent
and
impact
of
gang
activity,
number
of
gangs
and
gang
members,
and
gang-relatedness
of
five
vignettes.
The
implications
for
for-
mulating
a
policy
response
to
gangs
are
discussed.
A
number
of
problems
in
criminology
have
surfaced
and
faded
from
attention.
Drugs,
inequality,
poverty,
prisons,
police
powers,
career
criminals
and
victimless
crimes
are
all
problems
that
have
peaked
and
faded
as
the
object
of
criminological
research.
Another
issue
is
the
concern
about
gangs.
Gangs
have
been
the
object
of
criminological
attention
since
Thrasher’s
(1929)
work
first
brought
them
to
the
fore.
Since
that
initial
treatment,
interest
in
gangs
has
waxed
and
waned.
Explaining
variation
in
interest
in
gangs
involves
dealing
with
the
role
of
social
definitions.
Quinney
(1970)
emphasizes
the
importance
of
definitions
in
creating
categories
of
crime.
He
stresses
the
function
of
definitions
in
establishing
boundaries
for
behavior
to
which
society
responds.
Gusfield
(1981)
underscores
the
effect
of
definitions
in
noting
that
social
problems
(such
as
drunk
driving)
become
problems
only
after
a
process
of
social
definition.
Drunk
driving,
Gusfield
observes,
is
but
one
of
a
variety
of
be-
haviors
that
result
in
painful
behavior
to
some
members
of
society.
Yet
not
all
such
painful
behaviors
result
in
being
defined
as
criminal
or
major
public
problems.
The
process
by
which
some
painful
behaviors
come
to
be
defined
272
as
the
targets
of
public
attention
is
an
important
object
of
study.
The
formulation
of
effective
policy
responses
to
gangs
depends
upon
a
reliable
and
valid
foundation
of
knowledge
of
the
&dquo;gang
problem.&dquo;
This
paper
examines
the
perceptions
of
two
groups
intimately
involved
in
such
responses,
and
compares
their
responses
to
those
of
a
group
of
juvenile
detainees.
The
emphasis
of
this
study
is
on
definitions
of
the
characteristics
of
gangs,
and
sources
of
knowledge
about
gangs.
A
survey
was
administered
to
assess
the
perceptions
about
gangs
and
gang
involvement
in
a
large
city.
The
responses
of
a
group
of
juveniles
held
in
a
detention
center
are
compared
to
those
of
local
juvenile
police
officers
and
a
task
force
created
to
deal
with
gangs.
The
results
will
be
used
to
demonstrate
the
diversity
of
sources
of
knowledge
about
gangs,
differences
in
beliefs
about
gangs,
and
differences
in
attribution
of
gang-relatedness
to
several
key
features
of
delinquent
activity.
Definitions
play a
crucial
role
in
the
identification
of
problems
and
the
for-
mulation
of
responses.
Recognition
of
variation
in
definitions
helps
us
to
understand
the
conceptual
basis
of
social
responses
to
problems.
We
are
specifically
interested
in
the
role
of
policymakers
in
defining
and
identifying
gang
activity.
Literature
Review
At
the
heart
of
this
research
is
interest
in
what
constitutes
a
gang.
This
issue
involves
three
related
questions:
1)
what
is
a
gang?,
2)
who
is
a
gang
member?,
and
3)
what
is
gang
activity?
Interest
in
gangs
has
spanned
a
number
of
generations
and
a
good
deal
of
variation
in
the
definitions
of
gang,
gang
membership
and
gang
activity
is
reflected
in
the
literature.
The
last
fifteen
years
have
spawned
several
reviews
of
gangs
and
gang-
related
activities
(Miller,
1975, 1976;
Jackson,
1988;
Spergel,
1990;
Huff,
1990).
Miller
(1975,
1976)
provided
the
first
nationwide
survey
of
youth
gangs
and
youth
groups.
Although
Miller
failed
to
provide
comprehensive
definitions
for
a
gang,
a
gang
member,
and
gang
activities,
he
later
(1980)
argues
that
it
is
critical
for
social
science
to
establish
such
definitions.
Jackson
(1988)
notes
the
variable
definitions
used
in
attempting
to
assess
what
iden-
tifies
the
three
objects
of
the
current
study,
gangs,
gang
membership,
and
gang
activity.
His
work
also
underscores
the
significant
variation
in
approaches
to
gangs
seen
during
this
century.
More
recently,
Spergel
(1990)
distinguishes
between
gang
and
non-gang
offenders
in
his
extensive
review
of
youth
gangs,
noting
the
historical
existence
of
such
groups.
He
identifies
persistent
invol-
vement
in
criminal
or
delinquent
activities
(1990:
178-179)
as
the
halcyon
characteristics
of
gang
involvement.
The
distinction
between
groups
and
gangs
is
not
clearly
made
in
much
of
the
research.
Even
the
widely
accepted
axiom
that
delinquency
is
group
activity
has
been
criticized.
Klein
(1969)
and
Zimring
(1981)
both
suggest
that
more
delinquency
takes
place
outside
the
group
context
than
traditional
wisdom
(DeFleur,
1967;
Empey
and
Rabow,
1961;
Empey,
1967)
has
sug-
gested.
These
findings
suggest
more
uncertainty
among
scholars
concerning
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