Can both crime and imprisonment be reduced by investing in police?

Published date01 February 2019
AuthorGary Sweeten
Date01 February 2019
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12437
DOI: 10.1111/1745-9133.12437
EDITORIAL INTRODUCTION
MORE COPS, FEWER PRISONERS?
Can both crime and imprisonment be reduced by
investing in police?
Gary Sweeten
Arizona State University
Correspondence
Gary Sweeten,School of Criminology & Cr iminal Justice, Arizona State University,411 N. Central Avenue,MC 4420, Phoenix,
AZ85004.
Email:Gar y.Sweeten@asu.edu
After a precipitous and unprecedented 30-year climb from the 1970s to 2000s, U.S. incarceration rates
have begun a slight decline (Kaeble & Cowhig, 2018). We have yet to descend from this mountain
of mass incarceration. In fact, there is considerable debate on how to accomplish the descent and
whether it is even possible without significant increases in crime rates. In the pages of this journal
and elsewhere, the idea of shifting criminal justice resources from correctional spending to police
spending has been proposed as a way to both reduce crime via deterrence and reduce incarceration as
a by-product (Durlauf & Nagin, 2011; Kleiman, 2009).
Durlauf and Nagin (2011) appealed to the deterrence literature to support this proposed shift. Specif-
ically, after years of increasing incarceration rates, little evidence exists that additional incarceration
will result in additional deterrence; the marginal deterrence rate is negligible. On the other hand, there
is growing evidence of a significant marginal deterrent effect of police hiring. Furthermore, police can
deter crime by focusing on tactics that increase perceived certainty of punishment.
Of course, one of the main functions of police is to make arrests, so it is possible that any deterrent
effect of increased police staffing is offset by an increase in arrests and subsequent imprisonments.
As explained by Jacob Kaplan and Aaron Chalfin (2019, this issue), the expected effect of police
on incarceration chiefly depends on two elasticities with respect to police: apprehension and crime.
Simply put, if the marginal effect of police on crime (deterrence) exceeds the marginal effect of police
on apprehension, then increased police staffing will not result in increased prison commitments.
By using state-level data from 1997 to 2015, Kaplan and Chalfin (2019) present evidence on the
effect of increased police expenditures on crime, arrests, and prison commitments. These margins are
difficult to identify because of endogeneity and simultaneity issues. Kaplan and Chalfin identify these
margins using an instrumental variable strategy, comparing them with ordinary least-squares estimates.
Their instrument, fire safety expenditures, has been used previously (Kovandzic, Schaffer, Vieraitis,
Orrick, & Piquero, 2016; Levitt, 2002), and as seen previously, it does not allow for precise estimates.
Kaplan and Chalfin confirm prior estimates of the deterrence effect of police officers. They estimate
that each additional officer deters approximately seven index crimes.
Criminology & Public Policy. 2019;18:167–169. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/capp © 2019 American Society of Criminology 167

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