Book Review: Michael L. Benson and Sally S. Simpson White-Collar Crime: An Opportunity Perspective. NY: Routledge, 2009. vi, 240pp. $39.95. ISBN-10: 0-415-95664-1

DOI10.1177/0734016809356305
Published date01 June 2010
AuthorMatthew G. Yeager
Date01 June 2010
Subject MatterArticles
Book Reviews
Michael L. Benson and Sally S. Simpson
White-Collar Crime: An Opportunity Perspective. NY: Routledge, 2009. vi, 240pp. $39.95.
ISBN-10: 0-415-95664-1.
Reviewed by: Matthew G. Yeager, King’s University College, University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario, Canada
DOI: 10.1177/0734016809356305
This monograph represents the work of two very well-known researchers in white-collar crime,
both of whom work in a mainstream, establishment tradition. Their perspective does not generally
incorporate more critical analyses from political economy and tends to rely upon mainstream,
traditional explanations as well as solutions to the problem of white-collar crime.
Permit me to illustrate. The authors argue for what they call an ‘‘opportunity perspective’’ to
study the machinations of white-collar criminals. In their view, that ‘‘opportunities are required for
crime to occur is such a simple one that it is often overlooked in discussions about crime’’
(pp. viiiix). Of course, the foundation for this perspective is based on rational choice theory and
situational crime prevention explanations. In fact, the editor for this series sees this as a ‘‘new way
of examining the vastly under studied area of white-collar crime’’ (p. vii).
In point of fact, analyzing opportunity structures in regard to crimes of the bourgeoisie, the well-
do-to, or corporations for that matter, has been a well-established perspective dating to the early 20th
century. Bonger, in his Criminality and Economic Conditions (1916, 1967 translation) talked about
the environment of business crimes influenced by stealth, opportunity, and a decided lack of sanc-
tions. The famous Edwin H. Sutherland in his White-Collar Crime (1949) talked about the nature of
social disorganization, and how both the structure of certain industries and the risks attendant to
committing white-collar crime varied dramatically and were theoretically important. Even Marshall
Clinard in his classic book, The Black Market (1952), talked about the influence of both subcultural
influences and market conditions during World War II price controls, including government regu-
lations and enforcement policies.
When it comes to theorizing white-collar crime, we get a discussion of Sutherland’s differential
social organization, and then an interesting analysis of Merton’s anomie theory. I say ‘‘interesting’
because the discussion is actually about the cultural and structural contradictions of capitalism and
how they promote ‘‘widespread corporate deviance’’ (p. 58). It would have been more appropriate to
label this political economy rather than anomie theory. We then get a narrative on control theory,
which is not widely accepted as an explanation for white-collar crime. Next comes rational choice
theory, which is ‘‘the one most compatible with our opportunity perspective’’ (p. 67). Of course, one
of the defects with rational choice theory is that there is usually little discussion of the market forces
over which there is a motivated offender, a suitable target, and a lack of surveillance. In this
neoclassical approach, those market forces tend to get ignored in favor of tightening enforcement
loopholes and jailing those dastardly, white-collar criminals. For example, ‘‘motivations for
white-collar crime are rooted in the culture of competition and are disseminated via organizational
and occupational subcultures’’ (p.71). What kind of competitive market structures are we talking
about?
Criminal Justice Review
35(2) 244-259
ª2010 Georgia State University
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