Autonomy and Monitoring

Published date01 December 2016
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jems.12164
AuthorEduardo C. Rodes,Marco a. Barrenechea‐méndez,Pedro Ortín‐Ángel
Date01 December 2016
Autonomy and Monitoring
MARCO A.BARRENECHEA-M´
ENDEZ
Fac. CC. Econ`
omiques i Empresarials, Edifici B Universitat Aut`
onoma de Barcelona
Universitat Aut`
onoma de Barcelona
08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vall`
es), Barcelona, Spain
Marco.barrenechea@upf.edu
PEDRO ORT´
IN-´
ANGEL
Fac. CC. Econ`
omiques i Empresarials, Edifici B Universitat Aut`
onoma de Barcelona
Universitat Aut`
onoma de Barcelona
08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vall`
es), Barcelona, Spain
Pere.ortin@uab.es
EDUARDO C. RODES
Fac. CC. Econ`
omiques i Empresarials, Edifici B Universitat Aut`
onoma de Barcelona
Universitat Aut`
onoma de Barcelona
08193 Bellaterra (Cerdanyola del Vall`
es), Barcelona, Spain
Eduardo.rodes@uab.es
This paper provides a theoretical and empirical analysis of an under-explored consequence of
granting autonomy to workers: monitoring. In the principal-agent model that we develop, grant-
ing autonomy allows workers to carry out innovative tasks in the workplace. Given that innovative
tasks are more difficult to monitor, the model predicts a positive relationship between autonomy
and monitoring. Relying on information about blue-collar workers coming from a dataset of
Spanish industrial plants, we provide strong support for this prediction.
1. Introduction
Aghion and Tirole (1997) set out the theoretical foundations of a growing body of eco-
nomic literature on authority in organizations. A worker’s real authority, or autonomy, is
understood as being the capability of the worker to decide on the task to be performed.
The bulk of this literature (see Bolton and Dewatripont, 2012 for a summary) focuses on
the effects of autonomy on workers’ efforts to collect information in order to be able to se-
lect the task to be performed. The present paper contributes to this literature by stressing
another effect of granting autonomy: its consequences on the effort that workers exert on
the execution of the task that is finally implemented. More specifically,we are interested
in the relationship between autonomy and two mechanisms of the job design needed to
elicit this productive effort: monitoring and compensation. When we talk of monitoring,
we refer to efforts made by the firm (e.g., supervisors’ performance appraisal) to gather
information about the way workers carry out productive tasks (inputs and/or outputs).1
The authors acknowledge financial support from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness, ECO
2013-48496-C4-4-R. We are grateful for the helpful comments provided by two anonymous referees and by
Matthew Ellman, TorEriksson, Vicente Salas-Fum ´
as and participants at various conferences and workshops
1. It has been argued that autonomy and monitoring are antonymous terms (Neal, 1993) related to the
workers’ degree of empowerment to make a certain decision. Note that we use the term autonomy to refer to
C2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Journal of Economics & Management Strategy, Volume25, Number 4, Winter 2016, 911–935
912 Journal of Economics & Management Strategy
Several case studies, such as those by Nordstrom or Whole Foods Market or the
bulk of those presented by Kaplan and Norton (2001), show a clear interaction between
autonomy, monitoring and compensation. Nordstrom is a very successful firm in the
apparel industry that gives sales clerks a lot of discretion in the way they carry out their
work. Sarcastically, they call “the employee handbook” to a single five-by-eight-inch
card, where the only rule states: “...use your good judgment in all situations. There
will be no additional rules” (Collins and Porras, 1994, p. 117). This sound philosophy
is reinforced by the point of view expressed by the CEO Jim Nordstrom: “You can do
anything you need to at Nordstrom, just so long as you live up to our basic values or
standards” (Collins and Porras, 1994, p. 138). At the same time, they use sales per hour
for monitoring purposes, calling it2“the heart of Nordstrom’s distinctive management
strategy.” This information influences pay, the availability of better hours and days and
career opportunities.
In the supermarket chain Whole Foods Market, “Small, empowered work groups
are responsible for all key operating decisions, including pricing, ordering, staffing, and
in-store promotion. Although associates are highly empowered, they are also highly
accountable. Every four weeks, Whole Foods Market calculates the profit per labor hour
for every team in every store. Teams that exceed a certain threshold get a bonus in their
next paycheck . . . ” (Hamel and Breen, 2009, p.5)
Thus, it is not surprising that the managerial and accounting literature suggests
that the innovations resulting from workers’ empowerment will imply changes in the
monitoring and compensation systems. The following statement underscores this idea.
“(Employees) may innovate and find new and unexpected ways to achieve high-level
strategic objectives or identify variations in the strategy that open up new growth opportuni-
ties” (p.315). “Companies have been attempting to implement change for decades. Why do we
advocate that change initiatives now be accompanied by a change in the measurement system to
the Balanced Scorecard? Adapting the organization’s measurement system to the change agenda
is critical for success” (p.343). “The final linkage from high-level strategy to day-to-day ac-
tions occurs when companies link individuals’ incentive and reward programs to the Balanced
Scorecard” (Kaplan and Norton, 2001, p. 253).
This anecdotal literature does not address the questions of why and how such
decisions are interrelated. The way in which these variables of the job design interact
is not straightforward. It might be plausible to consider different combinations. For
example, are monitoring and compensation going to be higher (or lower) in contexts
in which workers are empowered? Are firms going to provide less autonomy when
monitoring costs and compensation levels are higher (lower)?
This paper sets up a principal-agent model that provides insights into these ques-
tions. The firm (principal) decides whether to grant workers (agents) rights that allow
them to make decisions on selecting the task needed to perform their job, and establish
the monitoring and compensation levels that are contingent on this decision. The worker
decides whether or not to implement a new task when this is possible, and the effort
exerted in performing such a task.
The main contribution of the model is to emphasize the effects of autonomy on
the monitoring and compensation levels. Our explanation is based on the assumption
the degree of empowerment for the selection of the task to be performed, whereas we use the term monitoring to
refer to the degree of empowerment for the execution of the task.
2. See p. 7 of the case study: Nordstrom:Dissension inthe Ranks (A), Harvard Business School (9-191-002),
1999.

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