Assessing Sex Experiences of Online Victimization: An Examination of Adolescent Online Behaviors Using Routine Activity Theory

• Author: Catherine D. Marcum,Melissa L. Ricketts,George E. Higgins
• DOI: 10.1177/0734016809360331
• Published date: 01 December 2010
• Date: 01 December 2010
• Subject Matter: Articles

Criminal Justice Review
35(4) 412-437
Assessing Sex Experiences of
ª 2010 Georgia State University
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Online Victimization: An
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DOI: 10.1177/0734016809360331
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Examination of Adolescent
Online Behaviors Using Routine
Activity Theory
Catherine D. Marcum1, Melissa L. Ricketts2, and George E. Higgins3
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences in online victimization between genders,
through variables representing the three constructs of routine activity theory. A survey was
administered to 100-level courses at a mid-sized university in the northeast, which questioned
respondent on their Internet behaviors and experiences during the high school senior and college
freshman time period. The findings of the study indicated that participating in behaviors that
increased exposure to motivated offenders and target suitability in turn increased the likelihood
of victimization for both genders. Conversely, taking protective measures to improve capable guar-
dianship was shown to be the least effective measure, as it did not decrease the likelihood of victi-
mization. This research provides a significant contribution to the literature as there are few
explanatory studies that attempt to identify causal reasoning for this behavior.
Keywords
victimization, Internet, routine activity theory, sex
Introduction
The technological advancement of what was termed ‘‘ARPANET’’ quickly evolved into what we
now refer to as the Internet (Leiner et al., 2003). With the demand in popularity for technology, the
Internet experienced the perfect environment to thrive and soon began to do so. The goal of the Inter-
net was to become a collection of communities that provided useful information to its users. By the
1Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, Georgia Southern University, USA
2Department of Criminal Justice, Shippensburg University, Shippensburg, PA, USA
3Department of Justice Administration, University of Louisville, KY, USA
Corresponding Author:
Catherine D. Marcum, Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, Georgia Southern University, PO Box 8101,
Statesboro, GA 30461, USA.
Email: cmarcum@georgiasouthern.edu
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early 1990s, use of the Internet became a familiar facet in businesses and homes and by the year
2001, over half of the U.S. population included regular users of the Internet (Sanger, Long, Ritzman,
Stofter, & Davis, 2004). Today’s Internet now allows people to shop, make travel arrangements, buy
stocks, and most importantly, communicate.
Of the millions of people who go online daily, adolescent Internet use is increasing faster than any
other age group (Jones & Fox, 2009; Wolak, Mitchell, & Finkelhor, 2006). Although awareness is
growing, Medaris and Girouard (2002) asserted that this age bracket is not fully informed of the dan-
gers online and the possible consequences of providing personal information to Internet predators.
Several studies of Internet use by adolescents have found that increasing numbers of young people
are experiencing the following types of victimization while using computer-mediated communica-
tion (CMC) methods: unwanted exposure to sexual material, sexual solicitation, and unwanted non-
sexual harassment (Marcum, in press; Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2003, 2007; O’Connell,
Barrow, & Sange, 2002; Quayle & Taylor, 2003; Sanger et al., 2004; Wolak, Mitchell, & Finkelhor,
2002, 2003, 2004, 2006, 2007; Ybarra, Mitchell, Finkelhor, & Wolak, 2007).
According to routine activity theory, three elements must be present for a crime to occur: expo-
sure to motivated offenders, a suitable target, and a lack of capable guardianship (Cohen & Felson,
1979). This assertion has been supported in multiple studies of various types of criminal activity
(Arnold, Keane, & Baron, 2005; Gaetz, 2004; Mustaine & Tewksbury, 1999; Roncek & Bell,
1981; Schreck & Fisher, 2004; Spano & Nagy, 2005; Tewksbury & Mustaine, 2000), but studies
using routine activity theory are lacking regarding the explanation of cyber crime and victimization,
especially in the area of adolescents. The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences, if
any, in online victimization between male and female high school seniors and college freshmen
using variables representing the three constructs of routine activity theory.
Adolescent Internet Use and Victimization
Past empirical research indicated that adolescents and younger adults constitute one of the fastest
growing Internet user populations (Addison, 2001; Lenhart, Rainie, & Lewis, 2001; Medaris &
Girouard, 2002; Nie & Ebring, 2000; Rainie, 2006). According to Pew Research polls, over 80%
of adolescents had access to the Internet at their home (Jones & Fox, 2009). Hunley, Evans,
Delgado-Hachey, Krise, Rich, and Schell (2005) found that both males and females spent similar
amounts of time using the Internet. In regard to the purpose of Internet use, teenagers and those con-
sidered Generation Y-ers are more likely use the Internet for entertainment and communication pur-
poses. Moreover, 75% of 18–24 year olds actively use a social networking Web site (Greenwood,
2009). The various mediums of communication available on the Internet have been a contributing
factor to increased Internet use by providing effortless means of socializing (Clemmitt, 2006;
Kirkpatrick, 2006; Lamb & Johnson, 2006; Rosen, 2006; Simon, 2006; Stuzman, 2006). Apparently,
there is no significant difference between sexes in regard to their main purpose of Internet use as Lin
and Yu (2008) found that both males and females actively used the Internet for socialization
purposes.
The mediums of communication available on the Internet, often referred to collectively as social
technology (Lamb & Johnson, 2006), have enabled people of all ages to expand their social circles
and improve their ability to communicate with friends and family in an inexpensive manner
(Roberts, Foeher, Rideout, & Brodie, 1999). Social technology generally refers to CMC devices that
connect people for personal and professional information sharing. The use of CMC methods allows
for ease in the workplace, educational setting, or home to communicate effortlessly with others
(Simon, 2006). Although there are numerous ways to communicate and socialize with CMCs, this
study will focus on the following mediums: chat rooms, instant messaging, E-mail, and social
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Criminal Justice Review 35(4)
networking Web sites. Unfortunately, along with the beneficial use of these CMC methods comes
the increased possibility of online victimization.
A direct example comes from evidence derived from the Youth Internet Safety Survey (YISS), a
nationally representative study (sponsored by the National Center for Missing and Exploited Chil-
dren) of 1,501 adolescents, falling in the age range of 10–17 years old, who participated in regular
use of the Internet. The two administrations of the YISS (the first [YISS-1] occurred between August
1999 and February 2000 and the second [YISS-2] between March and June 2005) showed an
increase in Internet victimization between the two time periods. First, the proportion of youth who
reported online harassment grew from 6% to 9%. Despite the increased usage of filtering and block-
ing software by parents (55% of parents in the second study reported the use of this software),
unwanted exposure to sexual material increased by 9%. In addition, of the unwanted exposure to
sexual material, the number of youth who reported distressing reactions to the material grew 3%
since the first survey. A larger amount percentage of youth received unwanted sexual solicitation
compared to the first survey (13% in 2001 vs. 19% in 2006). However, aggressive solicitations,
which included attempts to contact the youth offline, did not increase (Wolak et al., 2006).
A more recent study used data from the YISS-2 to identify online behaviors that increase the like-
lihood of online victimization. Youth were found to participate in several types of risky behaviors
online, such as disclosure of personal information, talking about sex with someone known only
online, and harassing others online. Of these risky behaviors, talking about sex with unknown people
online and meeting people online in multiple ways were found to produce significantly higher odds
of online interpersonal victimization. However, posting or sending personal information online by
itself was not significantly associated with increased odds of online interpersonal victimization
(Ybarra et al., 2007).
More recent empirical studies examined the effect of different forms of protective measures on
adolescent online victimization. Marcum (IN PRESS) found that the installation of filtering and
blocking software had no effect on the exposure to inappropriate materials and behaviors, as well
as online victimization for high school seniors and college freshmen. Lwin, Stanaland, and Miyazaki
(2008) further explored protective measures through a quasiexperimental study of 10–17 year olds in
regard to their experiences with Internet monitoring and mediation by parents. They found that
active Internet behavior monitoring by parents decreased the likelihood of participation in risky
behaviors online, as well as exposure to inappropriate materials. However, Lwin et al. (2008) noted
that the effectiveness of active monitoring decreased the older than adolescent became, which may
be a foreshadowing of the results found in the current study...