Are Microfinance Loan Officers Closer to Banking Staff or to Non‐profit Workers? A Motivational Approach
Published date | 01 March 2017 |
Author | Cécile Godfroid |
Date | 01 March 2017 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1002/jsc.2114 |
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Strategic Change 26: 117–132 (2017)
Published online in Wiley Online Library
(wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/jsc.2114
Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Strategic Change: Briengs in Entrepreneurial Finance
Strategic Change
DOI: 10.1002/jsc.2114
Are Micronance Loan Ofcers Closer to Banking
Staff or to Non‐prot Workers? A Motivational
Approach1
Cécile Godfroid
Université de Mons, HumanOrg and CERMi, Belgium
Even in double‐bottom‐line‐micronance institutions, loan ofcers are not all
prosocially motivated but rather are motivated by working conditions and
promotions, highlighting the complexity of human resource management in hybrid
organizations.
Micronance institutions (MFIs) are hybrid organizations that combine com-
mercial and social objectives (Ashta and Hudon, 2012). ey belong either to the
for‐prot sector, to the non‐prot one, or sometimes to both. If for‐prot com-
panies tend to attract ambitious employees looking for high salaries, non‐prot
workers are, in comparison, more people‐oriented and prosocially motivated.
MFIs are therefore of high value to explore workers’ motivations. e aim of this
article is to determine whether the micronance sector should be analyzed using
a classic motivational approach or a non‐prot‐based one.
We focus exclusively on loan ocers, whose activity is close to that of bankers
but with a more social reasoning. ese employees may be aected by an MFI’s
paradoxical logic (Battilana and Dorado, 2010), inducing a challenging organiza-
tional identication and role conicts when playing the double role of debt col-
lector and counselor.
Regarding loan ocers’ motivations, Siwale (2006) noted that only 47% of
loan ocers working in a non‐governmental organization (NGO) in Zambia were
motivated by interest in working with the poor. Gray et al. (2013) concluded that
the primary reported motivation driver is the wish to help the community. Paying
heed to these calls, this research aims to add to this debate.
For this purpose, we conducted 30 semi‐directed interviews at the Senegalese
MFI Pamecas. is enabled us to build a framework highlighting the links between
the dierent motivational factors, and to establish a typology. Our results show
that analyzing the micronance sector by only taking classic motivation theories
into account is not sucient. Particularly, motivational theories from the
1 JEL classication codes: G21, L3, M5, O15.
In hybrid organizations such as
micronance institutions,
prosocial and self‐interested
motivations are independent and
not mutually exclusive.
Loan ofcers working in double‐
bottom‐line micronance
institutions can be divided into
four categories: materialists,
careerists, bare minimum
employees, and enthusiasts.
Human resource management in
the micronance sector should be
analyzed by adopting the
contextual paradigm rather than
the universalist one.
118 Cécile Godfroid
Copyright © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Strategic Change
DOI: 10.1002/jsc
developing world and from the non‐prot sector should
be added.
is article contributes to the micronance literature
as it studies loan ocers’ management, a topic that is still
poorly documented. Moreover, it adds to the literature on
hybrid organizations as it highlights the real complexity
of human resource management in social enterprises, and
shows that in these organizations, prosocial and self‐
interested motivations are not mutually exclusive. Further-
more, it contributes to the debate in human resource
management as it highlights the importance of adopting
the contextual paradigm rather than the universalist one.
Finally, this article has practical implications for managers
of MFIs as it may help them develop motivational mecha-
nisms to address a major issue: the problem of interest
alignment between an institution and its loan ocers.
Literature review
Micronance loan ocers may be viewed as bankers with
a more social approach. Like bankers, they represent the
link between the client and the institution (Canales and
Greenberg, 2013; Chua, 1998) and have to encourage the
participation of potential clients, decrease the risk of
default, deliver a high‐quality service (Fisher and Sriram,
2002), and study loan applications (Holtmann and Gram-
mling, 2005). However, some features distinguish the job
of micronance loan ocers from that of traditional
bankers. First, micronance loan ocers deliver nancial
services to the poor (Isaia, 2005). Second, the decentral-
ization of credit procedures in micronance gives credit
ocers considerable discretion, increasing asymmetric
information and agency problems (Agier and Szafarz,
2013). ird, compared to traditional bankers, they have
to act simultaneously as personal counselors (Siwale and
Ritchie, 2012) and debt collectors (Ito, 2003), leading
them to experience role conicts. is may explain why
a large number of MFIs seem to have diculty attracting
and retaining credit ocers who desire to contribute to
the double mission of the organization.
As micronance belongs to both the non‐prot and
for‐prot sectors, loan ocers’ motivations can be ana-
lyzed using either a classic motivational approach or a
non‐prot‐based one.
Motivations in the non‐prot sector
Employees in the for‐prot and non‐prot sectors evolve
in dierent working environments (Schepers et al., 2005)
and may therefore develop diverse motivations. e for‐
prot sector attracts less people‐oriented workers than
non‐prot organizations (Rawls et al., 1975). De Cooman
et al. (2011) showed that not‐for‐prot workers are less
motivated by extrinsic factors and they value social service
more than their for‐prot counterparts. Satisfaction seems
to be more present among workers in the non‐prot sector
because of their engagement in social causes (Benz, 2005;
Besley and Ghatak, 2005). Nickson et al. (2008) showed
in their study that the majority of interviewed employees
working in the voluntary sector took this job for reasons
other than the salary. Workers in non‐prot organizations
are driven rather by prosocial motivation (Rawls et al.,
1975), dened as the desire to make eorts to benet
others (Batson, 1987). Whether prosocial and self‐inter-
ested motivations are independent has led to a debate in
the literature. According to Meglino and Korsgaard
(2004), both are mutually exclusive. However, other
scholars argue that they are independent. Indeed, organi-
zational citizenship behavior can be motivated by the
desire to help others, but also by the wish to be favorably
perceived by others (Bolino, 1999). Grant and Berry
(2011: 77) explained that prosocial motivation referred to
‘a concern for others, not a concern for others at the expense
of self‐interest.’ Empirical evidence is still necessary to add
to this debate. Tonin and Vlassopoulos (2009) also con-
sidered that prosocial and self‐interested motivations are
not negatively linked by disentangling the sources of pro-
social motivation into two types: action‐oriented altruism,
also known as impure altruism (Andreoni, 1989) and
output‐oriented altruism, or pure altruism. Pure altruism
is dened as ‘giving without regard to reward or the benets
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