Are Inmates With Military Backgrounds “Army Strong?”

AuthorMatthew William Logan,Paul-Philippe Pare
Published date01 October 2017
Date01 October 2017
DOI10.1177/0887403415623033
Subject MatterArticles for Special Issue
Criminal Justice Policy Review
2017, Vol. 28(8) 814 –841
© The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/0887403415623033
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Articles for Special Issue
Are Inmates With Military
Backgrounds “Army Strong?”
Matthew William Logan1 and Paul-Philippe Pare2
Abstract
We use data from the Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities
2004 to examine the relationship between prior military service and misbehavior for
a nationally representative sample of incarcerated inmates. Our regression analyses,
based on 18,185 respondents across 326 prisons, suggest that inmates with military
backgrounds tend to fare better than others across 12 negative prison outcomes. In
contrast, we do not find much support for the argument—implied by violentization
and other theories—that inmates with military backgrounds fare worse than others,
with the exception of high levels of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and
violent victimization. Supplementary analyses also show conditional patterns based
on exposure to combat as well as honorable versus dishonorable discharge.
Keywords
prison, military, inmate assaults
Introduction
Many individuals with military backgrounds will experience incarceration over their
life course (Freeman & Roca, 2001; Sherman, Sautter, Jackson, Lyons, & Han, 2006;
White, Mulvey, Fox, & Choate, 2012), but there is very limited research on how they
experience incarceration. On one hand, military service is often promoted as a difficult
but ultimately positive experience by military institutions and the government—a pro-
fessional and personal growth challenge that makes ordinary people “Army Strong,”
based on a specific framing of this argument (U.S. Army, 2014). It is therefore
1California State University, San Bernardino, USA
2University of Western Ontario, London, Canada
Corresponding Author:
Matthew William Logan, California State University, San Bernardino, 5500 University Avenue, San
Bernardino, CA 92407, USA.
Email: matthew.logan@csusb.edu
623033CJPXXX10.1177/0887403415623033Criminal Justice Policy ReviewLogan and Pare
research-article2016
Logan and Pare 815
plausible that military service serves as a protective factor that helps inmates adjust
and adapt to incarceration, assuming that military training provided them with disci-
pline, character, and the skills to adapt to a regimented institution like prison (Bennett,
1954; Greenberg & Rosenheck, 2011; Willbach, 1948). On the other hand, military
service is seen by many scholars and commentators as both traumatizing and dehu-
manizing (Athens & Ulmer, 2003; Kaylor, King, & King, 1987). According to this
view, the military rarely makes one “Army Strong,” and is more likely to leave ex-
soldiers and veterans with physical and psychological scars. Thus, the military experi-
ence might make some people weaker, not stronger, and may be a risk factor for a
variety of negative outcomes for prison inmates—as the literature on post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD), violentization theory (Athens & Ulmer, 2003), and social
learning (Akers, 1998; Castle & Hensley, 2002; Wyatt & Gal, 1990) suggests.
The aim of the current study is to examine how inmates who come from military
backgrounds experience prison life relative to inmates with no military experience,
based on these two competing perspectives. Examining the prison experience of
inmates with military backgrounds is important for at least two reasons with respect to
prison research and policy. The first reason is that a number of veterans return from
tours of duty having sustained both physical and psychological trauma—the latter of
which often manifests in various forms of mental illness, such as PTSD, which has
been associated with an increased risk of negative life outcomes, including incarcera-
tion (Accordino, Porter, & Morse, 2001; National Drug Court Institute, 2012). In the
same way, incarcerated veterans tend to come from different social and demographic
backgrounds from other inmates (Dabbs & Morris, 1990). According to Noonan and
Mumola (2007), for example, inmates with military backgrounds residing in state pris-
ons were, on average, older and better educated than nonveteran inmates (see also
Armor & Sackett, 2004). Importantly, such characteristics have been linked to reduced
stress and prosocial adaptation in the prison setting (Benson & Cullen, 1988; Clemmer,
1958; Irwin, 1970; Porporino & Zamble, 1984; Wooldredge, 1999). By assessing the
prison experience of veterans compared with nonveteran inmates, then, correctional
officials and staff members may be better able to develop actuarial assessments to
identify those who are at an elevated risk of experiencing negative prison outcomes,
such as victimization and institutional misconduct, and respond with appropriate inter-
vention programs. Indeed, the classification of risk is important to the overall func-
tioning of correctional facilities, and past research has documented a positive
association between custody levels and aggregate levels of institutional misconduct
among inmates (Andrews & Bonta, 2014; Camp, Gaes, Langan, & Saylor, 2003;
Worrall & Morris, 2011).
The second reason has to do with the fact that prisons, in general, are closed sys-
tems, where the relationships and interactions between staff and inmates are less trans-
parent than other areas of the criminal justice system. Although the experience of
incarcerated veterans has received attention, much of it is based on either descriptive
or anecdotal accounts (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2004; National Drug Court
Institute, 2012). Conversely, the empirical literature on the experience of incarcerated
veterans is scant at best, where military service is designated as a control variable in

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