Are All Network Ties Created Equal? Distinguishing Between Strength and Use of Ties in Bureaucrat–Lobbyist Alliances

AuthorJake Haselswerdt,Katharine W. V. Bradley
DOI10.1177/0095399720902803
Date01 May 2020
Published date01 May 2020
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0095399720902803
Administration & Society
2020, Vol. 52(5) 771 –793
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/0095399720902803
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Article
Are All Network
Ties Created Equal?
Distinguishing Between
Strength and Use of Ties
in Bureaucrat–Lobbyist
Alliances
Jake Haselswerdt1
and Katharine W. V. Bradley2
Abstract
Scholars of policy networks consistently find that agreement on policy
explains network ties, but inconsistent results on the importance of strategic
considerations, such as the influence of potential partners. We use original
data on communications between bureaucrats and lobbyists on pending
Medicaid legislation to distinguish network ties (contacts) from bureaucrats’
use of those ties to attempt to advance their policy goals (requests for
lobbying help). We find that policy agreement explains both the strength of
network ties and bureaucrats’ requests for advocacy from their partners,
but that interest group influence and unified partisan control of government
explain only the latter.
Keywords
policy networks, lobbying, bureaucrats, Medicaid
1University of Missouri, Columbia, USA
2Mathematica Policy Research, Ann Arbor, MI, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jake Haselswerdt, Department of Political Science, University of Missouri, 113 Professional
Building, Columbia, MO 65211, USA.
Email: haselswerdtj@missouri.edu
902803AASXXX10.1177/0095399720902803Administration & SocietyHaselswerdt and Bradley
research-article2020
772 Administration & Society 52(5)
How do bureaucrats work with interest groups to achieve their policy goals?
One prominent theory of policy change holds that individual policy areas are
governed by loose, cloud-like networks (Heclo, 1978), in which bureaucrats
are important players, not only in their capacity as administrators but also in
the formulation of policy (S. Nicholson-Crotty, 2009). In part, bureaucrats
achieve influence by working with the interest groups in their policy net-
works (Aberbach et al., 1981; Abney & Lauth, 1986; Bradley & Haselswerdt,
2018; Carpenter, 2000, 2001). Network alliances with interest groups can be
an important source of influence over legislative outcomes because bureau-
crats are constrained in their ability to lobby directly. Not much is known,
however, about bureaucrats’ participation in networks, or how they use them
to attempt to influence legislators. In this article, we use original data to dis-
tinguish between the strength of network ties and bureaucrats’ use of those
ties, and to explore determinants of both. By making this distinction, we pro-
vide new insights into bureaucrats’ behavior, as well as a way to integrate
previous findings on determinants of network ties.
The existing literature on policy networks includes two distinct theories
about the important factors underlying network formation. The Advocacy
Coalition Framework (ACF) tradition developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-
Smith (1993) holds that shared policy preferences play a major role in deter-
mining network ties, whereas resource dependency theory (RDT), pioneered
by Pfeffer and Salancik (1978) to explain mergers and acquisitions among
firms, suggests that organizations should seek to establish ties that bring
needed resources. In the political realm, this means that individuals or groups
should seek to establish network ties with potential partners who have the
most influence with those in power.
We integrate these two perspectives and argue that agreement and influ-
ence matter for different kinds of communication within networks. Although
existing studies distinguish between network ties on the basis of their relative
strength (e.g., the frequency of contacts), we argue for categorization based
on the type of the communication between individuals or organizations.
Specifically, we distinguish between the frequency of contacts (denoting
strength of ties) and the presence or absence of bureaucrats’ requests for lob-
bying help (denoting type of communication).
Our study employs survey data on bureaucrat–interest group communica-
tions around recent Medicaid legislation in 25 states that allow us to tease
apart contacts and requests, enabling us to examine which interest groups
bureaucrats contact most often, and which they target with requests for lob-
bying. We find that, as expected, these two sets of groups do not perfectly
overlap: Contacts depend on policy agreement, whereas requests for lobby-
ing depend on both agreement and on the strategic advantages the interest

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