Antitrust without apology*

Published date01 June 1986
Date01 June 1986
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0003603X8603100211
Subject MatterArticle
The Antitrust Bulletin/Summer 1986
Antitrust without apology*
BY ABBOTT B. LIPSKY, JR.**
Introduction
481
In the 95 years since passage of the Sherman Act, the size and
complexity
of
the American economy have grown by several
orders
of
magnitude. The quantity and variety
of
the products
and services it provides, the sophistication
of
the technologies,
forms
of
organization and types
of
transactions it employs, and
the number of its participants and dependents have far exceeded
in each generation the expectations of the generation preceding.
The allocation, distribution, and use of the economy's inputs and
outputs now involve such an enormous number of options and
variables that no central planner could hope to make any signifi-
cant fraction
of
the choices directly.
If
public policy is to have any
constructive effect on this vast and chaotic process, it must be
selective in its reasons for intervention, judicious in its choice
of
control variables, and cautious in designing the institutions used
to influence them. In sum, the sheer size and complexity
of
our
economy counsel reliance upon markets to the maximum feasible
extent.
Reliance on markets allows economic decisions to be made
without the direct intervention of a centralized bureaucracy or the
other cumbersome machinery
of
public
authority-institutions
that are expensive, imprecise, and plagued with distortions,
..
Especially to Willig.
King &Spalding, Washington, D.C .
©1986by Federal Legal Publications, Inc.
482 : The antitrust bulletin
inequities, and inefficiencies. A decentralized market economy is
far more likely to place decision makers close to the data on
costs, demand, and available technology that are essential for
efficient decision making. Reliance on private initiative ensures
that
correct decisions are rewarded and encouraged and that
incorrect decisions are discouraged or rectified quickly. Even if
our
confidence in government institutions were high, we probably
would not use public regulation, planning, approval, or owner-
ship as a comprehensive solution to many problems. To the
contrary, the unwelcome consequences
of
numerous past govern-
ment interventions have produced abroad disillusionment with
those approaches. Thus, in addition to the inherent limitations on
public intervention, our recent experience also suggests a nar-
rower scope for government and abroader role for the market.
It
is this central thesis on which the virtue of
competition-
and the role
of
antitrust
law-ultimately
depend. Viewing the
relationship between the evolution
of
our
economic system and
the importance
of
markets in this historical perspective also
illustrates why antitrust is more important than it was 95 years
ago. The process of competition inevitably gives rise to a variety
of
disputes among customers, suppliers, and competitors. Nu-
merous forms
of
market conduct create disputes: secret price-fix-
ing conspiracies, aggressive price cuts, the displacement
of
old
technologies by new, dealer terminations, mergers and acquisi-
tions-all
create gains, inflict losses, and spawn disputes about
the distribution
of
both. There will always be a need for a
mechanism to resolve such disputes. Antitrust law comprises the
set
of
rules
that
has evolved to satisfy this need. Some antitrust
rules are consistent with maximizing the wealth-creating abilities
of
our
market
economy-they
deter destructive conduct or com-
pensate its victims. Others are not consistent with this
goal-they
clutter federal dockets and redistribute money in arbitrary, unpre-
dictable, and perhaps damaging ways. While the latter type
should be eliminated, the core prohibitions
of
antitrust (the rules
that
prohibit or deter the formation
of
cartels) are sound.
The following remarks identify those areas
of
antitrust most
in need of reform, recommend appropriate changes, and predict

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