Alcohol and Violence in a Nonmetropolitan College Town

AuthorWilliam Alex Pridemore,Aleksandra J. Snowden
Published date01 July 2013
Date01 July 2013
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0022042613475788
Subject MatterArticles
Journal of Drug Issues
43(3) 357 –373
© The Author(s) 2013
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DOI: 10.1177/0022042613475788
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Article
475788JODXXX10.1177/0022042613475788Journal of
Drug IssuesSnowden and Pridemore
1University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, USA
2Indiana University, Bloomington, USA
Corresponding Author:
Aleksandra J. Snowden, University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee,
Department of Criminal Justice, Enderis Hall 1139, Milwaukee, WI 53211, USA.
Email: snowdena@uwm.edu
Alcohol and Violence in a
Nonmetropolitan College
Town: Alcohol Outlet Density,
Outlet Type, and Assault
Aleksandra J. Snowden1 and William Alex Pridemore2
Abstract
This study examined the association between alcohol outlet density and violence in a non-
metropolitan college town. Nearly all prior empirical research examining this association has
been undertaken in large urban cities. Using data on Bloomington, Indiana, block groups, we
estimated ordinary least squared and spatially lagged regression models to determine whether
alcohol outlet density was associated with assault density, and we also took into account the
seriousness of violence (i.e., simple and aggravated assault) and different alcohol outlet types
(i.e., off-premise, restaurants, and bars). The results showed that total alcohol outlet density was
significantly associated with both simple and aggravated assault density in a nonmetropolitan
college town. In addition, restaurant and bar densities were significantly associated with simple
assault density, whereas off-premise and bar densities were significantly associated with aggra-
vated assault density. These results not only extend the geographic scope of this relationship to
nonmetropolitan towns but also have important policy implications.
Keywords
alcohol outlet density, alcohol outlet type, assault density, college town
Introduction
Although it became clear early on that alcohol consumption often accompanies violence (e.g.,
Wolfgang & Strohm, 1956; for comprehensive review, see Levine, 1984), U.S. criminological
research on this topic did not fully develop until the early 1980s. Since that time, a growing
literature that examines the structural-level association (e.g., social disorganization, land use
patterns) has joined that assessing the individual-level association between alcohol and violence.
This literature, using geographic units such as census tracts, cities, states, and nations has
revealed a consistent relationship between alcohol availability and violence (e.g., Norström,
2000; Roman, Reid, Bhati, & Tereshchenko, 2008), and more recent studies have shown that the
358 Journal of Drug Issues 43(3)
strength of this association may vary by type of alcohol outlet (e.g., Gruenewald, Freisthler,
Remer, LaScala, & Treno, 2006).
While much of the structural-level research on alcohol availability and violence has
appeared in noncriminological journals (e.g., Graham & Livingston’s, 2011, work appeared in
the Drug and Alcohol Review), several criminological theories (e.g., Cohen & Felson, 1979;
Shaw & McKay, 1942; Stark, 1987) may aid in explaining an association. First, it could be that
the association between alcohol and violence exists because some alcohol outlets are located
in socially disorganized neighborhoods and, as such, are immediately surrounded by physical
and social disarray (Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999; Shaw & McKay, 1942). Another theoreti-
cal explanation for this relationship may be the appearance of alcohol outlets and their imme-
diate environment. If the alcohol outlet is unkempt, for example, it may signal to potential
offenders that norms are ambiguous and that the owners of those establishments might not
intervene when conflicts arise (Stark, 1987). Alternatively, it could be that the alcohol and
violence association can be explained by the routine activities of individuals who consume
alcohol, or the convergence in time and space of motivated offenders and suitable targets in the
absence of capable guardians (Cohen & Felson, 1979).
This study contributes to the existing literature in several ways. First, we take into account the
seriousness of violence by examining the density of both simple and aggravated assaults. Second,
we recognize that different types of alcohol outlets (i.e., off-premise, restaurants, and bars) may
be differentially associated with violence. Third, we estimate spatially informed regression mod-
els to control for possible presence of spatial autocorrelation. Fourth, we use smaller units of
analysis, block groups, than most prior studies. This is especially important because using larger
units of analysis (e.g., cities, zip codes, states) may obscure the fundamental nature of outlet
density (Parker & Wolz, 1979) and can increase the likelihood of aggregation bias. Focus on
smaller units of analysis is in line with recent work in environmental and spatial criminology that
argues that smaller units of analysis are more appropriate both theoretically and empirically
(Weisburd, Bernasco, & Bruinsma, 2009). Finally, the key innovation and contribution of this
study is that we test the association in a nonmetropolitan college town. Most prior studies that
examined the relationship between alcohol outlet density and violence have done so in large
urban areas (e.g., Chicago, Washington, D.C.), and ours is among the first to test the association
in a nonmetropolitan setting.
Literature Review
The association between alcohol and violence was found both at the individual and structural
level (e.g., Gustafson, 1994; Pridemore & Grubesic, 2011). At the individual level, alcohol con-
sumption can encourage violence by disrupting normal brain function and weakening brain
mechanisms that control impulsive behaviors (Gustafson, 1994). In addition, alcohol consump-
tion impairs information processing in individuals, so that the individuals under the influence of
alcohol are likely to misinterpret social cues and overreact in their violent response (Clements
& Schumacher, 2010). However, violence can also result from expectations that individuals
have about the effect of alcohol, rather than the direct effect of alcohol itself. For example,
Gustafson (1994) suggested that alcohol consumption may promote violence if individuals who
consume alcohol expect that alcohol consumption will lead to increased violence (also see
Chermack & Taylor, 1995; Dermen & George, 1989; Gustafson, 1985).
Findings of empirical studies that move beyond these individual-level explanations for the
association between alcohol and violence point to a strong association between alcohol outlet
density, alcohol outlet type, and violence. In general, a significant relationship between the
density of alcohol outlets and violence rates has been found in a number of empirical studies

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