Youth Perceptions of the Police

• Author: Daniel M. Stewart,Robert G. Morris,Henriikka Weir
• Date: 01 January 2014
• Published date: 01 January 2014
• DOI: 10.1177/1541204013480369
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article
Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice
2014, Vol 12(1) 22-39
Youth Perceptions of the
ª The Author(s) 2013
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DOI: 10.1177/1541204013480369
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Trajectories
Daniel M. Stewart1, Robert G. Morris2, and Henriikka Weir3
Abstract
The relevance of examining juveniles’ attitudes toward the police has been firmly established in the
literature. Employing group-based trajectory modeling, the present study builds upon this previous
research by estimating police attitudinal trajectories among a general sample of youths. The models
produced a 5-group solution for both males and females, with four of the trajectories remaining
relatively stable over the time observed and one noticeably experiencing a downward trend.
Furthermore, of the items making up the police attitudinal scale, for several of the groups, the item
measuring prejudice most consistently oscillated away from the trajectory profile. Policy implica-
tions are discussed.
Keywords
youth, juveniles, attitudes, police
Maintaining a favorable image has been a prominent goal of the American police institution since its
public relations crisis of the 1960s and the subsequent emergence of the community policing move-
ment, stressing positive collaborative relationships between the police and the citizenry to tackle
fear, crime, and disorder (Community Policing Consortium, 1994; Skolnick & Bayley, 1988; Walker
& Katz, 2011; Wycoff, 1988). It is theorized that a collaborative citizenry, one that is more likely to
assist the police in carrying out its core functions and serve as coproducers of protective services, is
also one that is more likely to hold favorable attitudes toward the police (Decker, 1981; Goldstein,
1987; Skolnick & Bayley, 1988; Wycoff, 1988). One group that increasingly consumes a substantial
amount of police time and resources (see Federal Bureau of Investigation [FBI], 2011; Leiber, Nalla,
& Farnworth, 1998; Snyder & Sickmund, 1996; Truman, 2011; Walker & Katz, 2011) and, thus, is
an important target concerning the creation and maintenance of good public police relations is juve-
niles. Evidence even suggests that perceptions of legal actors, particularly police officers, can lead to
either compliance or rejection of legal and social norms among children and adolescents (Fagan &
1 University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA
2 University of Texas at Dallas, Richardson, TX, USA
3 University of Colorado, Colorado Springs
Corresponding Author:
Daniel M. Stewart, University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA.
Email: daniel.stewart@unt.edu

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Stewart et al.
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Tyler, 2005). Being cognizant of juveniles’ perceptions of the police, then, has significant practical
implications, and it is why researchers and administrators over the last few decades have shown
considerable interest in the topic (see below).
The literature on juveniles’ perceptions of the police, though not as extensive as that of adults’
perceptions, reveals that a cornucopia of factors affect attitudes, such as race, gender, delinquency,
and the nature of police contacts, just to name a few (Brick, Taylor, & Esbensen, 2009; Geistman &
Smith, 2007; Hinds, 2007; Hurst & Frank, 2000; Hurst, Frank, & Browning, 2000; Hurst, McDer-
mott, & Thomas, 2005; Leiber et al., 1998; Sullivan, Dunham, & Alpert, 1987; Taylor, Turner,
Esbensen, & Winfree, 2001). Very little, however, has been written on juveniles’ attitudes toward
the police over time (Esbensen, Osgood, Taylor, Peterson, & Freng, 2001; Esbensen, Peterson,
Taylor, & Osgood, 2012; Piquero, Fagan, Mulvey, Steinberg, & Odgers, 2005), and only one study
exists that has identified and chronicled the changes in a longitudinal capacity across distinct
attitudinal developmental groups (Piquero et al., 2005)—and even this work does not exclusively
focus on attitudes toward the police.
Here, we build upon existing literature by estimating trajectories of juveniles’ attitudes toward
the police using the longitudinal component of the National Evaluation of the Gang Resistance
Education and Training program (G.R.E.A.T. I; Esbensen et al., 2001). The current research, after
bifurcating subjects based on sex, attempts to identify and track the course of adolescents grouped
along attitudinal levels toward the police. It further seeks to examine the mean rates of the attitudinal
scale’s indicators about possible trajectory profiles. Its originality and value are rooted in this dis-
tinction since this approach has infrequently been applied to juvenile attitudes toward the police and,
thus, the identification of such attitudinal developmental groups requires further exploration. By
isolating the possible different attitudinal groups and following their course, while concurrently
examining mean rates of specific indicators, we will not only be adding to the knowledge base, cre-
ating a more complete understanding of juveniles’ attitudes toward the police but also be providing a
springboard for future research as well as for the creation of juvenile-focused police policies that can
take into account the nuances of attitudinal development.
Attitudes and Group-Based Trajectory Modeling
Longitudinal studies in which attitudes toward the police are presented as the primary variable of inter-
est have almost exclusively focused on adults; therefore, the empirical reality concerning juveniles’
attitudes toward the police over time is comparatively unknown. The adult-focused research, however,
shows that attitudes toward the police are relatively stable with prior attitudes serving as the best
predictors of subsequent attitudes (Brandl, Frank, Worden, & Bynum, 1994; Chermak, McGarrell,
& Weiss, 2001; Gau, 2010; Rosenbaum, Schuck, Costella, Hawkins, & Ring, 2005). In the only
longitudinal study examining juveniles’ perceptions that has employed a similar methodology as the
one used here, it was also revealed that attitudes concerning legitimacy of law changed very little over
time (Piquero et al., 2005). These findings correspond with the various conceptions of attitudes, which
have referred to their enduring natures or settled dispositions as well as with the characterizations of
attitudes as traits with fairly permanent qualities (see Eagly & Chaiken, 1993).
Attitudes are not entirely immutable, though. Among adult populations, while not as powerful as
preexisting notions, evidence holds personal experiences play a role in attitudinal variability. For
instance, research by Gau (2010) examining respondents’ perceptions of police officers’ ability to
prevent crime revealed that, even when controlling for prior attitudes, perceptions of police contact
quality and being subjected to an unjustified stop were significant predictors. Brandl et al. (1994),
after taking into consideration prior global satisfaction, found that global attitudes of the police were
influenced by assessments of police assistance and information contacts. Even in the aforementioned
Piquero et al. (2005) research, a group of juveniles was identified whose legitimacy perceptions

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Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 12(1)
dramatically increased during the period under study. Furthermore, research holds that adults hold
more favorable attitudes toward the police than juveniles (Apple & O’Brien, 1983; Boggs & Galli-
her, 1975; Scaglion & Condon, 1980; Smith & Hawkins, 1973), evidence that over time those atti-
tudes are indeed changing, becoming increasingly positive. In sum, though the parameters of
attitudinal ranges might be limited once formulated, evidence shows there is still room for
change—even if it is merely a slight oscillation away from the mean.
A portion of the attitudinal stability that is observed, however, is undoubtedly a product of the
multitude of factors behind perceptions combined with limitations of the methodologies and sta-
tistical analyses employed when measuring the development of attitudes. Without providing an
exhaustive discussion of construct validity and the difficulties related to measuring change, it
should simply be noted that attitudes in general can be conceived as being the products of a com-
plex set of factors such as beliefs, feelings, and past behaviors (see Maio, Esses, Arnold, & Olson,
2004; Zanna & Rempel, 1988), impacting individuals over a protracted period and most likely
beyond the time frame of empirical observation. By employing group-based trajectory (GBT)
modeling (aka finite mixture modeling) and utilizing a panel study design in which juveniles’
attitudes toward the police are examined over a 5-year period as we do here, we can more closely
inspect the issue of attitudinal stability and increase the likelihood of capturing meaningful change
as it occurs.
It is important to note that GBT modeling has become commonplace within the criminological
literature surrounding life course transitions and behavioral development. Nagin and Land (1993)
originally popularized the technique as a means of investigating processes evolving over time or age
by isolating individuals into finite developmental groups or trajectories. While other popular
schemes used to analyze longitudinal data, such as hierarchal linear modeling (i.e., growth curve
models), assume a continuous, normal distribution of trajectories in the population, GBT modeling
makes no such parametric assumptions; rather it stresses the possibility of a limited number of
clusters—groups within the distribution that are distinguishable by similar developmental trajec-
tories. Further, whereas standard growth...