Young Adult Women's Perceptions of Their Maritally Violent Fathers
Published date | 01 April 2020 |
Author | Megan L. Haselschwerdt,Lauren Maddox,Kathleen Hlavaty |
Date | 01 April 2020 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/fare.12406 |
M L. HUniversity of Tennessee Knoxville
L M K HAuburn University
Young Adult Women’s Perceptions of Their
Maritally Violent Fathers
Objective: To qualitatively examine fathering
and father–child relationships fromthe perspec-
tive of young adult women who grew up with
maritally violent fathers.
Background: Maritally violent men are con-
sistently described as volatile, unresponsive,
self-centered, and often abusive. Yet domestic
violence (DV) perpetrators are not homoge-
nous, suggesting that maritally violent fathers
may not be homogenous either. The revised
tripartite model of father involvement and John-
son’s typology of DV were applied to better
understand how maritally violent men father.
Method: A theoretical thematic analysis was
conducted based on interview data from a volun-
teer sample of 23 young adult women who were
exposed to father-perpetrated marital violence
during childhood and adolescence.
Results: Findings wereconsistent with the small
body of literature on fathering by maritally vio-
lent men, suggesting that these men as fathers
are generally volatile, lack warmth and respon-
siveness, are disengaged, and sometimes are
controlling and abusive. Nevertheless, dissimi-
larities in fathering and father–child relation-
ships over time were identied such that par-
ticipants categorized into coercive controlling
University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 1215 W. Cumberland
Avenue,420 Jessie W. Harris Building, Knoxville, TN 37996
(mhasel@utk.edu).
Key Words: child abuse and neglect, domestic violence,
father involvement, intimate partner violence, qualitative
methods.
violence exposure reported uniformly negative
fathering experiences, whereas greatervariabil-
ity existed within the situational couple violence
groups’ recollections of their fathers over time.
Implications: Findings suggest that practition-
ers should take into consideration the context in
which DV occurs when working with maritally
violent men as fathers, while erring on the side
of caution and safety for victimized women and
their children.
A robust literature exists on fathering and
father–child relationships (Lamb, Pleck,
Charnov, & Levine, 1985; Pleck, 2010), but
few empirical studies have examined father-
ing and father–child relationships among
maritally violent men; that is, men who are
abusive to their wives or the children’s moth-
ers (Buckley, Holt, & Whelan, 2007; Cater &
Forssell, 2014; Øverlien, 2013, 2014; Peled,
2000). Nevertheless, the empirical and clinical
research conducted with maritally violent men
depict these fathers as uniformally fathering
in ways that do not foster optimal familial and
child development (Bancroft & Silverman,
2002; Bancroft, Silverman, & Richie, 2012;
Cater & Forssell, 2014; Edleson & Williams,
2007; Harne, 2003; Holden & Barker, 2004;
Peled, 2000). However, there are a few stud-
ies of fathering and father–child relationships
from the perspective of the children exposed
to domestic violence (DV) in Israel (Peled,
1998, 2000) depicting these fathers with more
nuance (e.g., hostile and caring). The broader
Family Relations 69 (April 2020): 335–350335
DOI:10.1111/fare.12406
336 Family Relations
perspective that maritally violent men are poor
fathers may also be explained by an implicit
assumption that men who perpetrate DV are
homogenous, a perspective that is inconsistent
with the empirical literature on male perpetra-
tors (Holtzworth-Munroe & Stuart, 1994), DV
at a dyadic level (Johnson, 2008), and youth
exposure literature (Haselschwerdtet al., 2019;
Holden, 2003; Jouriles & McDonald, 2014). For
example, a growing body of literature has docu-
mented that different types of DV—specically,
whether the physical violence is rooted in
coercive control versus in the context of situ-
ational couple conict—differentially impact
youth’s adjustment outcomes (e.g., Jouriles &
McDonald, 2014) and overall family dynamics
(Haselschwerdt et al., 2019; Johnson, 2008).
To unpack the complexity within this lit-
erature, the present study was designed to
qualitatively examine fathering and father–child
relationships by maritally violent men
from the perspective of their young adult,
female-identied children attending college.
The focus on young adults was guided by Black,
Unger, and Sussman’s (2010) hypothesis that
older children are more aware than younger
children of their fathers’ use of physical and
nonphysical abuse tactics due to their enhanced
ability to notice more subtle forms of abuse,
as well as their mother’s greater willingness
to discuss the DV with them. Theoretically,
the study is guided by the revised tripartite
model of father involvement (Lamb et al., 1985;
Pleck, 2010) and Johnson’s (2008) typology
of DV. Taken together, these two theoretical
frameworks call for an in-depth exploration
of patterns and variations in fathering and the
father–child relationship depending on the
context in which the DV exposure occurred.
F C D
V
The original tripartite model (Lamb et al., 1985)
identied three dimensions of fathering (paternal
engagement, accessibility, and responsibility),
which Pleck (2010) revised to the dimensions
of (a) warmth and responsiveness, (b) positive
engagement activities, and (c) control. The
revised model emphasizes the quality of posi-
tive engagement activities, including interactive
father–child leisure (e.g., playing a game), and
direct childrearing activities (e.g., bathing a
child) that promote positive child development.
We situate the maritally violent father literature
within this tripartite model, focusing on three
dimensions: paternal warmth and responsive-
ness, engagement and accessibility, and control.
Warmth and Responsiveness
Compared with their nonviolent counterparts,
maritally violent fathers tend to be less warm
and responsive (Bancroft & Silverman, 2002;
Bancroft etal., 2012; Cater & Forssell, 2014;
Dick, 2005; Edleson & Williams, 2007; Worley,
Walsh,& Lewis, 2004). Warmth and responsive-
ness refers to fathers’ sensitivity and attentive-
ness to their children’s needs (Pleck, 2010). Vio-
lent fathers reportedly make little effort to care
about their children’s thoughts, feelings, and
emotions (Bancroft & Silverman, 2002; Ban-
croft etal., 2012; Edleson & Williams, 2007).
The parenting style of male DV batterers has
been described as emotionally dismissive and
authoritarian (Bancroft & Silverman, 2002; Ban-
croft et al. 2012; Edleson, etal., 2003; Worley
et al., 2004) but also unpredictable—sometimes
playful and fun to be around but then quick
to anger in response to their children’s needs
(Edleson & Williams; Harne, 2003; Holden et al,
1998; Peled, 1998). The children of maritally
violent fathers in Dick’s (2005) study described
their fathers as unloving, rejecting, emotionally
distant, and unavailable or not dependable in
times of need. Children with maritally violent
fathers report feeling anxious and afraid due to
their fathers’ quick anger and unpredictability
(Buckley etal., 2007; Harne, 2003; Øverlien,
2013; Peled, 1998). Further, studies suggest that
these children and adolescents report fearing for
their own safety and the safety of their moth-
ers (DeBoard-Lucas & Grych, 2011; Øverlien,
2013), which could be indirectly associated with
the fathers’ general warmth and responsiveness.
Engagement and Accessibility
Paternal engagement and accessibility refer
to the time fathers spend with their children
in direct caregiving activities (e.g., bathing,
homework help) or when fathers are available
to spend time with their children (Lamb et al.,
1985; Pleck, 2010). Maritally violent fathers
tend to be disengaged and more neglectful of
their children compared with non–maritally
violent fathers (Bancroft & Silverman, 2002;
Bancroft,et al., 2012;Cater&Forssell, 2014;
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