Working-Class Legislators and Perceptions of Representation in Latin America

• DOI: 10.1177/1065912919829583
• Date: 01 December 2019
• Author: Tiffany D. Barnes,Gregory W. Saxton
• Published date: 01 December 2019
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912919829583

Political Research Quarterly

2019, Vol. 72(4) 910 –928

© 2019 University of Utah

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DOI: 10.1177/1065912919829583

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Article

Democracy rests on the idea that power should reflect the

will of the people. In practice, however, democracies vary

dramatically in their representativeness, with different groups

in society facing varying levels of inclusion (Alexander,

Bolzendahl, and Jalalzai 2017; Escobar-Lemmon and Taylor-

Robinson 2014; Hughes 2013). Working-class people are

particularly underrepresented in democracies across the

globe, as politicians are selected from a narrow set of elites

(Best 2007; Carnes 2013; Taylor-Robinson 2010). In Latin

America, for instance, working-class citizens—which we

define based on one’s occupation or position in the labor

force—make up the vast majority of the labor force, yet

remarkably few legislators have working-class backgrounds

(Carnes and Lupu 2015). This political exclusion of the

working class calls into question one of the fundamental

principles of democracy. How does the drastic underrepre-

sentation of the working class influence citizens’ perceptions

of and satisfaction with the legislature?

We provide the first study of workers’ symbolic repre-

sentation. Scholars have defined symbolic representation

as the feeling of being fairly and effectively represented

(Schwindt-Bayer 2010; Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler

2005). Although previous research has investigated the

symbolic effects of the descriptive representation of

women (Barnes and Burchard 2013; Beauregard 2018;

Carreras 2017; Kerevel and Atkeson 2017; Liu 2018) and

minorities (Badas and Stauffer 2018; Hayes and Hibbing

2017; Rocha et al. 2010), and research has examined the

policy (e.g., Carnes 2012, 2013; Carnes and Lupu 2015;

Micozzi 2018) and electoral consequences (Carnes and

Lupu 2016a; Carnes and Sadin 2015) of working-class rep-

resentation, no study has considered whether descriptive

representation of the working class improves perceptions

of representation.

Building on previous research on democratic represen-

tation of marginalized groups (Schwindt-Bayer and

Mishler 2005), we posit that workers’ descriptive represen-

tation may enhance evaluations of the legislature by signal-

ing a more inclusive policy-making process. Moreover,

given that working-class legislators hold different policy

preferences (Carnes and Lupu 2015; Grumbach 2015) and

advance different policy agendas (Carnes 2012, 2013;

Micozzi 2018) than white-collar representatives from the

same political party, working-class representation may

also enhance evaluations of the legislature via policy

responsiveness. Consequently, we anticipate that whereas

workers’ exclusion may undermine citizens’ trust in and

satisfaction with the legislature, greater inclusion of the

working class serves to strengthen citizens’ satisfaction

with the legislature both directly (by signaling that the

829583PRQXXX10.1177/1065912919829583Political Research QuarterlyBarnes and Saxton

research-article2019

1University of Kentucky, Lexington, USA

Corresponding Author:

Gregory W. Saxton, Department of Political Science, University of

Kentucky, 1615 Patterson Office Tower, Lexington, KY 40506, USA.

Email: gregory.saxton@uky.edu

Working-Class Legislators and

Perceptions of Representation

in Latin America

Tiffany D. Barnes1 and Gregory W. Saxton1

Abstract

How does the near-exclusion of working-class citizens from legislatures affect citizens’ perceptions of representation?

We argue that when groups of people are continually denied access to representation, citizens are less likely to

believe that their interests are represented by the legislature. By contrast, more inclusive institutions that incorporate

members of the working class foster support for representative bodies. Using a multilevel analysis of eighteen Latin

American countries—a region plagued by disapproval of and disenchantment with representation—we find that

greater inclusion of the working class is associated with better evaluations of legislative performance. These findings

have important implications for strengthening democracy in Latin America, as they indicate that more diverse political

institutions may be key to deepening citizens’ attachments to representative bodies.

Keywords

working class, symbolic representation, descriptive representation, Latin America, legislature

Barnes and Saxton 911

legislature is more representative) and indirectly (via pol-

icy representation).

Furthermore, as we elaborate below, a more representa-

tive government should appeal to a broad range of vot-

ers—not just the working class (Mansbridge 1999). The

inclusion of working-class representatives signals that

democracy is inclusive of all citizens—rather than domi-

nated by the rich or overrun by corruption—and enhances

the de facto legitimacy of representative institutions for

everyone (Mansbridge 1999). The presence of working-

class lawmakers further signals the potential for more pro-

gressive economic policies that may appeal to the average

voter. Consequently, we also anticipate that workers’ inclu-

sion will be associated with more positive evaluations of

legislatures for all citizens.

To evaluate support for our argument, we analyze elite

and public opinion surveys from eighteen Latin American

countries between 2008 and 2010, which exhibit substantial

variation in the level of working-class representation in

national legislatures. We use data from the University of

Salamanca (USAL) to identify legislators with working-

class backgrounds, and individual-level data from the Latin

American Public Opinion Project (LAPOP) to evaluate citi-

zens’ beliefs about representation. Using both affective trust

and evaluative questions of policy-making performance, we

find that higher levels of working-class representation are

associated with more positive perceptions of the legislature.

Citizens are more likely to approve of legislative perfor-

mance, trust the legislature, and believe that the legislature

has accomplished everything they hoped it would, when

workers are represented in higher proportions. Importantly,

we find this relationship extends to all citizens, not just

members of the working class.

Our findings suggest that the underrepresentation of

the working class can partially explain the “widespread

disenchantment with and rejection of” legislatures over

the last two decades (Mainwaring 2006, 16). This

research, thus, has important implications for the quality

and survival of democracy. Dissatisfaction with and mis-

trust in the legislature poses challenges for democratic

stability and consolidation (Cleary and Stokes 2006; Linz

and Stepan 1996) and the quality of democracy more

broadly (Luna and Zechmeister 2005; Mainwaring,

Bejarano, and Leongómez 2006). When representative

linkages between citizens and the state break down, elec-

toral participation declines (e.g., Barnes and Burchard

2013; Kittilson and Schwindt-Bayer 2012; Liu and

Banaszak 2017), electoral volatility increases, and citi-

zens turn to antiestablishment figures and political out-

siders (Carreras 2012; Mainwaring, Bejarano, and

Leongómez 2006; Morgan 2011). Breakdowns in repre-

sentative linkages previously precipitated democratic set-

backs in Latin America (Mainwaring, Bejarano, and

Leongómez 2006), as well as in more entrenched

democracies where dissatisfaction with representation

has given rise to populist antiestablishment leaders

(Bowler et al. 2017). Importantly, our findings suggest

one way that democratic institutions can enhance citi-

zens’ perceptions of representation and trust in institu-

tions is by incorporating members of historically

marginalized groups into the legislature.

Descriptive Representation

and Workers’ Perceptions of

Representation

Legislatures are the primary institutional vehicle for achiev-

ing democratic representation (Mainwaring 2006; Taylor-

Robinson 2010), and interparty politics within the legislature

is key to the success of programmatic policy goals (Crisp

2006). Indeed, it is within the legislature that descriptive rep-

resentation generally yields substantive outcomes

(Mansbridge 1999, 2015; Pitkin 1967). Despite legislatures’

representative function, Latin America has been character-

ized by a significant disenchantment with and mistrust of the

legislature in recent decades (Mainwaring 2006;

Mainwaring, Bejarano, and Leongómez 2006).

We posit that the exclusion of the working class—a

group that constitutes a sizable majority of the population in

Latin America—contributes to this mistrust of political

institutions. Whereas workers make up the vast majority of

the labor force across Latin America, they only hold a small

share of legislative seats in the region. When white-collar

representatives are left to act on behalf of the working class,

this signals to workers that their participation in politics is

not valued. By contrast, the mere presence of working-class

representatives in decision-making bodies may have a

direct effect on symbolic representation—improving citi-

zens’ feelings about representation (Schwindt-Bayer and

Mishler 2005). Moreover, when descriptive representation

leads to improved policy representation, it may have an

indirect effect on citizens’ evaluations of the government.

In this section, we argue that representation of the working

class may help restore trust in and satisfaction with legisla-

tures among working-class citizens. In the next section, we

explain why higher levels of working-class representation

may improve perceptions of representation in society more

broadly.

Symbolic Representation Emanates from

Descriptive Representation

In Latin America, class is one of the most salient and defin-

ing societal cleavages. Working-class citizens have funda-

mentally different life chances, and they remain on the

margins in politics (Carnes and Lupu 2015). Workers’ dra-

matic underrepresentation in Latin America has created an