Worker Resistance in the Formation of the Maquiladora Enclave in Honduras

AuthorMateo Crossa Niell
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X221114808
Published date01 November 2022
Date01 November 2022
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X221114808
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 247, Vol. 49 No. 6, November 2022, 16–32
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X221114808
© 2022 Latin American Perspectives
16
Worker Resistance in the Formation of the Maquiladora
Enclave in Honduras
by
Mateo Crossa Niell
Translated by
Victoria Furio
In contrast to the triumphalist corporate view that regularly champions the maquiladora
industry as a lever of economic progress for Honduras, the maquila has caused fragmenta-
tion of production and widespread pauperization of social life, epitomizing an enclave econ-
omy aimed at international markets and threatening the very lives of workers. Substantial
worker resistance has been characteristic of the maquila throughout its history.
Contra la visión empresarial y triunfalista de la industria maquiladora como una
palanca de progreso económico para Honduras, la maquila ha provocado la fragmentación
productiva y una pauperización extendida de la vida social, representando de esta manera
el galardón de una economía de enclave volcada a los mercados internacionales que pone
en entredicho la vida misma de los trabajadores. Importantes experiencias de resistencia
obrera se han desarrollado en la maquila a lo largo de su historia.
Keywords: Enclave economy, Maquila industry, Superexploitation, Dependency,
Underdevelopment, Worker resistance
The maquila is an industrial export activity positioned as the backbone of
dependent capitalism in Honduras, Central America’s major exporting country.
It produces 62 percent of the country’s total exports and has 140,000 employees.
This pivotal role is vaunted in business narratives as the driver of national
development, where the corporate media have been insistently saying that,
because of the export-led industry, Honduras has reached global standards of
productive competitiveness capable of promoting the welfare of workers and
the population as a whole (AHM, 2017: 9). However, this discourse, drawing on
what Pine (2009: 71) has called “development rhetoric,” conceals the profound
contradictions that underlie the country’s economic and social life and the
exploitation and labor precarity that predominate in this industry. Contrary to
the official triumphalist view and far from being an engine of domestic welfare
as it is portrayed by corporate discourse and commonly heard from the coun-
Mateo Crossa Niell is a research professor at the Instituto Mora. He holds doctoral degrees in Latin
American studies and development studies and is the author of Honduras: Maquilando subdesar-
rollo en la mundialización (2016) and various articles on the maquiladora industry in Mexico and
Central America. He thanks Maritza Paredes for sharing valuable ideas and information. Victoria
Furio is a conference interpreter and translator located in Yonkers, NY.
1114808LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X221114808Latin American PerspectivesNiell/The Maquiladora Enclave in Honduras
research-article2022
Niell/THE MAQUILADORA ENCLAVE IN HONDURAS 17
try’s political class, the maquila has been configured under conditions of an
export-led enclave that causes productive fragmentation and a generalized pau-
perization amongst the working class.
In the first section of this article I show that the maquiladora industry origi-
nated and developed under the umbrella of a prolonged and violent deployment
of neoliberal economic policies serving the interests of transnational corporations
in organic alliance with the Honduran oligarchy. In the second section I demon-
strate that it drew upon the migratory diaspora resulting from the abandonment
of rural areas and the seizure of campesino and communal lands, feeding on
migration and poverty. In the third section I highlight the central role of job dis-
crimination against women and the complete lack of concern of corporations and
the state about providing the workforce with education and skills, revealing a
complete lack of interest in promoting economic development. The fourth sec-
tion describes the predominant wage precarity in this industry and the impor-
tance of low wages as a mechanism of labor control and intensification, pointing
to a labor-related health emergency affecting maquila workers as a consequence
of their long and exhausting workdays. The final section examines the significant
worker struggles that have unfolded in the maquilas since the 1990s and the
solidarity and support extended by organized groups of workers toward other
unions and other political struggles in the country.
Neoliberal Policy iN the coNsolidatioN of the Maquila
exPort eNclave
Over the past 40 years Honduras has experienced an enormous economic
transformation stemming from the changes fostered by the global crisis of cap-
italism that began in the 1970s. In this new phase of the global economy, com-
monly called globalization (what Osorio [2004] has called mundialización), the
Honduran economy discontinued its incipient industrialization in favor of
import substitution in the 1950s. Under the influence of neoliberalism, the
world economy was reorganized on the basis of exports that revived the old
dependency and underdevelopment organized around an enclave economy.
The predominant activity was now the maquiladora industry (Crossa, 2016;
Pérez, 1998). Starting in 1980, a new export pattern was forged under the impe-
rialist impetus formalized in the Caribbean Basin Initiative and the economic
policies of “Reaganomics for Honduras” (Hernández, 1985), which turned the
country into the U.S. geopolitical base for halting the advance of the popular
and armed movement spreading throughout Central America and made
Honduras the laboratory for the launch of neoliberal economic policies that
deregulated the national market and promoted the country’s economic open-
ing to international trade. Ronald Reagan told the U.S. Congress, “We can show
the world that we conquer fear with faith, we overcome poverty with growth,
and we counter violence with opportunity and freedom. And now we're mak-
ing good on our promise. I'm proud to stand with you for this celebration of the
long-awaited first stage of implementation of the Caribbean Basin Economic
Recovery Act” (Reagan, 1983).

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