Will Women Executives Reduce Corruption? Marginalization and Network Inclusion

• Published date: 01 June 2021
• DOI: 10.1177/0010414020970218
• Date: 01 June 2021
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414020970218

Comparative Political Studies

2021, Vol. 54(7) 1292 –1322

© The Author(s) 2020

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DOI: 10.1177/0010414020970218

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Article

Will Women Executives

Reduce Corruption?

Marginalization and

Network Inclusion

Monika Bauhr1

and Nicholas Charron1

Abstract

While recent studies find a strong association between the share of women

in elected office and lower levels of corruption, we know less about if

women in executive office cause reductions in corruption levels, and if

such effects last over time. This study suggests that women mayors reduce

corruption levels, but that the beneficial effect may be weakened over time.

Using both regression discontinuity and first difference designs with newly

collected data on French municipal elections combined with corruption

risk data on close to all municipal contracts awarded between 2005 and

2016, we show that women mayors reduce corruption risks. However,

newly elected women mayors drive the results, while gender differences

are negligible in municipalities where women mayors are re elected. Our

results can be interpreted as providing support for marginalization theories,

but also suggest that the women that adapt to corrupt networks survive in

office.

Keywords

corruption and patronage, women representation, subnational politics

1University of Gothenburg, Gothenburg, Sweden

Corresponding Author:

Monika Bauhr, University of Gothenburg, Sprängkullsgatan 19, Gothenburg 405 30, Sweden.

Email: Monika.Bauhr@pol.gu.se

970218CPSXXX10.1177/0010414020970218Comparative Political StudiesBauhr and Charron

research-article2020

Bauhr and Charron 1293

Introduction

While the available evidence on the detrimental effect of corruption for

human well-being and economic development has increased, efforts to con-

tain corruption often fail. In the last two decades, however, studies have

found a strong association between the share of women in elected office and

lower levels of perceived corruption (Dollar et al., 2001; Esarey & Chirillo,

2013; Esarey & Schwindt-Bayer, 2018; Swamy et al., 2001). While equal

opportunities and women’s rights are firmly rooted in human rights norms

and declarations, the interest in women’s representation has gained substan-

tial leverage from the notion that women representation could also change

politics for the better (Lawless, 2004; Mansbridge, 1999; Phillips, 1998).

International organizations, aid agencies and governments promote women

representation as a cure for mismanagement, corruption and public service

delivery failures. This has sparked an intense debate about how the share of

women in politics is linked to lower levels of corruption.

Despite the strong and significant statistical association between women

in office and lower levels of corruption, recent studies note that we know less

about why and when this association occurs, and if it will last over time.

Theoretical explanations for this link differ in directionality. While plausible

theoretical frameworks and evidence suggest that women cause reductions

in corruption (see i.e., Barnes & Beaulieu, 2018; Bauhr et al., 2019; Esarey

& Schwindt-Bayer, 2018; Stensöta et al., 2015). studies also propose that

low corrupt systems may facilitate the recruitment of women into office

(Bjarnegård, 2013; Sundström & Wängnereud, 2016), or that underlying

factors, such as the development of liberal democracy, may drive both more

inclusive representation and lower level of corruption (Sung, 2003).

Furthermore, recent studies note that the link between women representation

and lower level corruption is context dependent, and the effects of women

representatives may therefore differ depending on the positions and platforms

that women gain access to, and thereby potentially also vary over time.

This study seeks to contribute towards addressing these difficult ques-

tions. We suggest that women mayors cause a reduction in corruption levels,

but that the effects may not last over time. Thus, our study provides causal

evidence in support for the rich theoretical frameworks suggesting that

women in elected office reduce corruption, and suggests, in particular, that

the gender of the mayor matters. However, we also suggest that in the highly

competitive environment of assuming executive office, the women that adapt

to corrupt networks over time are more likely to survive in office. We support

our claims using quasi-experimental regression discontinuity design (RDD)

and first difference (FD) estimation. Our evidence is based on unique and