The whole truth: restoring reality to children's narrative in long-term incest cases.
Author | Feiner, Leslie |
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Introduction
M.B., a fifteen-year-old girl, states that one night, after living with
her stepfather for over six years, she engaged in an act of sexual
intercourse with him.(1) Although she claims to have submitted to him out
of fear, she concedes that he neither forced nor threatened her that
night.(2) A short time after making her allegation, she runs away from
home, refusing to speak to police for over two weeks.(3)
Her stepfather denies her accusation, despite being found passed
out in her bed. He states that he had gotten very drunk in a bar,
come home and stumbled into the wrong room.(4) Indeed, by the time
the case comes to trial, the State stipulates that he had been to the bar
in question, gotten drunk, and even had sex with a woman he met at
the bar.(5) Why, he asks, would he then have sex with his stepdaughter?
Although an inquiry might naturally focus on the question of
which story to believe, the criminal justice system asks a much
narrower one at trial: Is the complainant's story believable beyond a
reasonable doubt? To answer that question, jurors would strictly
scrutinize M.B.'s narrative of events in light of their own ideas of what
is credible.(6) Such scrutiny would likely center on the incongruity of
M.B.'s passive acceptance of her stepfather's unprecedented
solicitation. Even though statutory rape and incest cases do not require force
on the part of the defendant or lack of consent on the part of the
victim, a fact-finder is likely to believe that the "normal" fifteen year
old in M.B.'s position would show some signs of shock, surprise or
resistance. M.B.'s failure to do so, coupled with her subsequent
avoidance of the police, would likely undermine her credibility with a jury.
Jurors scrutinizing such a narrative today would also deliberate in
the current atmosphere of disillusionment regarding the credibility of
child victims in sexual abuse cases. Despite the public's education
and acceptance that sexual abuse is prevalent in family settings,(7) some
writers have recently described a child abuse "hysteria."(8) Children,
some say, will independently fabricate claims of sexual abuse to
control,(9) to punish,(10) or to cover up their own promiscuity." Some
psychoanalytic experts still argue that children fantasize,(12) and it has
become increasingly accepted that parents can elicit from their
children false allegations of sexual abuse where child custody is in
dispute.(13) Several widely publicized courtroom trials have also taught
the public to suspect allegations that children have made against
daycare workers.(14) Thus, despite an increased recognition that child
molestation is a pervasive problem in society, there is also a clear message
that the main, and often only witness to this kind of crime,(15) may not
be credible.
Given this societal background, the incongruities in M.B.'s story,
and the lack of evidence corroborating her charge, it would not be
surprising to see this defendant acquitted. And yet, M.B.'s narrative
describing her stepfather's conduct and her own behavior might not
be incongruous or implausible at all. For it has become well-accepted
in the psychiatric community that children subjected to repeated acts of
sexual abuse will not struggle or resist, but will accommodate to such
abuse over time, becoming passive and seemingly accepting of
repugnant sexual acts.(16) Indeed, the phases abused children pass through
and the coping behaviors they develop to adjust to repeated sexual
abuse has come to be known as the "Child Sexual Abuse
Accommodation Syndrome."(17) Accommodation as a component of patterned
sexual abuse is not only accepted among experts -- the courts have also
acknowledged its relevance in cases of long-term incest or sexual
abuse.(18)
M.B.'s stepfather was not charged with sexually abusing her over
a period of time, however, but rather for abusing her only once. The
other times, beginning at age nine or ten, that this defendant had
abused or tried to abuse her, did not appear in the indictment.(19) The
times he threatened her with a knife to make her submit, and told her
that her mother would put her in a facility if she sought help, all
occurred prior to the charged incident.(20) Under the rules of evidence,
each of these acts thus carried the designation of "uncharged crimes
or bad acts."(21) In a state like New York, evidence of these acts would
be inadmissible because New York strictly bans the admission of
evidence of uncharged crimes in long-term incest or sexual abuse
cases.(22) In such jurisdictions, a defense attorney can thus block jurors
from hearing those components of a victim's narrative that place the
charged acts in a context that would make the incongruous much
more understandable.
New York's approach to uncharged crimes in long-term incest
cases exists at a time when the rules in most other jurisdictions vary
widely, but where most courts generally do allow juries to hear
evidence of uncharged crimes in sex crimes cases, despite common-law
and statutory prohibitions on presenting evidence of a defendant's
bad character.(23) The roots of this permissiveness appear to stem from
a belief that rapists and child molesters typically go unpunished due
to "legal technicalities."(24) As a result, many -- but not all -- states have
bent traditional common law prohibitions regarding uncharged
crimes and admitted them in cases involving rape and child
molestation.(25)
Recent federal enactments have injected even more uncertainty
into the issue of the admissibility of uncharged crimes in sex crimes
cases. On January 9, 1995, Federal Rules of Evidence 413, 414 and
415 took effect, making a defendant's past history of rape or sexual
abuse presumptively admissible in federal trials involving such
charges.(26) In effect, the new federal rules reverse both the
common-law prohibition on uncharged evidence of bad character, as well as
FRE 404(b)'s statutory codification of that prohibition.(27) The new
rules have prompted writings from scholars and practitioners who are
concerned about the creation of special, and perhaps prejudicial,
rules for sex crimes cases.(28) Legal challenge to the new rules on such
grounds seems certain, and the outcome will be significant, not only
within the federal system, but in any state that has adopted or is
contemplating adoption of these rules.(29)
With such challenge likely, it seems all the more appropriate to
examine what could be considered FRE 414's polar opposite, the New
York approach. For if FRE 414 is considered illegally permissive, the
courts will have to consider where proper boundaries regarding the
admissibility of uncharged crimes should lie. Such examination
would show that New York's restrictive extreme is equally
unwarranted, for the New York approach is not only doctrinally unsound,
but also has devastating effects on an adolescent's ability to present a
credible narrative in a case of long-term sexual abuse.
This article suggests that in a number of emotionally wrenching
long-term incest cases(30) in New York, judicial roadblocks have unjustly
stacked the deck against the traumatized adolescent complainant(31)
who, in order to cope with continuing abuse, accommodates it to the
point where she appears to be a willing participant. More specifically,
the New York courts' overly broad interpretation of its evidentiary rule
barring testimony regarding a defendant's uncharged crimes has
prevented such a child victim from explaining for the jury how her
distorted and otherwise inexplicably passive reactions to the charged
sexual offenses were shaped by earlier uncharged sexual abuse at the
abuser's hands. By shifting the jury's attention from the defendant's
crimes to the victim's "unfathomable" behavior, the courts have made
it extremely difficult for juries to perceive such victims as credible.
The rule barring uncharged crimes, as the Court of Appeals
stated in People v. Molineux,(32) and refined in subsequent cases,(33) is that
a jury may not hear testimony that a defendant previously committed
similar crimes if the sole purpose for introducing such testimony is to
instill the belief that defendant's past propensity makes him
responsible for the presently charged crime. However, the New York courts
also state that if a prosecutor convincingly shows some purpose, other
than criminal propensity, to which the evidence is relevant, the
uncharged crimes could be admitted so long as their probative value
outweighs the possible prejudice to the defendant.(34) The rule and its
possible exceptions thus become the battleground for prosecutor and
defense counsel.
In criminal cases generally, the specific permissible purposes
delineated by the Molineux court -- identity, motive, common scheme or
plan, intent and knowledge(35) --have been treated as illustrative and
not exclusive.(36) However, in sex crimes cases it is quite rare to see
evidence of a defendant's history of sexual abuse admitted into evidence
unless offered for one of these purposes.(37) Enabling a child to
provide the context for her otherwise "incredible" behavior by reference
to a defendant's earlier uncharged crimes is not one of the
stated exceptions, and in fact has been expressly rejected by the Court
of Appeals in New York.(38)
However, in the last twenty years, rigid adherence to the Court of
Appeals' narrow interpretation of the Molineux "exceptions" has had a
high cost in the most severe cases of prolonged incest, because in such
cases, it has been rare for prosecutors to be able to charge a
defendant with every act of statutory rape, sodomy, sexual abuse or incest he
committed against the victim. jurisdictional restrictions, both
geographical(39) and temporal,(40) and notice requirements(41) pruned a large
number of events from a potential indictment, particularly those that
were more remote in time. If the surviving charged counts could
clearly depict for a jury the forces that caused a child to apparently
accept...
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