Who Dreams of Badges? Gendered Self-Concept and Policing Career Aspirations

• Author: Samantha S. Clinkinbeard,Starr J. Solomon,Rachael M. Rief
• Date: 01 December 2020
• Published date: 01 December 2020
• DOI: 10.1177/1557085120937799
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/1557085120937799

Feminist Criminology

2020, Vol. 15(5) 567 –592

© The Author(s) 2020

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DOI: 10.1177/1557085120937799

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Article

Who Dreams of Badges?

Gendered Self-Concept and

Policing Career Aspirations

Samantha S. Clinkinbeard1, Starr J. Solomon2,

and Rachael M. Rief1

Abstract

National Institute of Justice’s Policing Research Plan (2017–2022) highlights the need

to understand factors that attract diverse candidates. We explored whether college

students had ever considered policing and found men were significantly more likely

than women to contemplate policing careers. Further, we found higher levels of

masculinity were associated with greater odds of policing aspirations; the relationship

between gender and aspirations was fully mediated by masculine self-concept.

Although men typically reported higher masculinity scores, within-gender analyses

indicated that masculinity was important for both men and women. Our findings

suggest the continued association of masculinity with policing may undercut efforts

to recruit a representative workforce.

Keywords

policing, gender roles, masculinity, police culture, women in policing, aspirations,

future orientation

Research on differences between male and female police officers is mixed; slight

variation can be found between men and women, but in most cases, there is little to

no difference reported (Archbold & Schulz, 2012; Poteyeva & Sun, 2009). Early

research concerning whether women were “capable” in patrol positions, indicated

that they were (Archbold & Schulz, 2012; Bloch & Anderson, 1974; Morash &

1University of Nebraska, Omaha, USA

2Kent State University, Kent, USA

Corresponding Author:

Samantha S. Clinkinbeard, School of Criminology & Criminal Justice, University of Nebraska at Omaha,

6001 Dodge Street, Omaha, NE 68182, USA.

Email: sclinkinbeard@unomaha.edu

937799FCXXXX10.1177/1557085120937799Feminist CriminologyClinkinbeard et al.

research-article2020

568 Feminist Criminology 15(5)

Greene, 1986; Sichel et al., 1978). Since that time, research has expanded to ques-

tions of gender differences in attitudes towards citizens, officer decision-making,

support of community policing, use of force, citizen complaints, use of compassion,

and communication skills, among others (DeJong, 2004; Rabe-Hemp, 2008; Schuck,

2017; Schuck & Rabe-Hemp, 2005). Though the presence of gender differences

depends on the outcomes in question, there is some evidence that having more

women on the force can lead to positive changes at the organizational-level (e.g.,

reductions in sexual harassment for departments with more women; Lonsway et al.,

2003). Despite the continued rarity of women in policing, the research on gender

differences in policing does not indicate that practices between men and women are

clearly distinct from each other.

Though the proportion of women in policing increased from the 1970s through the

end of the 20th century, growth in the 21st century has stalled (Cordner & Cordner,

2011; Lonsway, 2006; Lonsway et al., 2002). Reports from the Bureau of Justice

Statistics indicate that although there was a slight increase between 1997 and 2016 in

the proportion of women in policing, the percentage of women stayed about the same

between 2013 and 2016 (Hyland & Davis, 2019). Currently, women represent approx-

imately 12% of sworn personnel in local police departments in the United States, with

variation by department size (e.g., 17.8% in departments that serve populations over a

million versus 7.3% in departments serving populations under 10,000; Hyland &

Davis, 2019). For women of color, the numbers are even bleaker. Only about 5% of

full-time sworn personnel in local police departments were Black or Hispanic females

(<2% of officers were Black or Hispanic females in departments serving a population

of less than 10,000; Hyland & Davis, 2019). Although women first entered policing

over a century ago, most departments remain majority male. If we are to increase the

representation of women in policing, we must understand more about factors associ-

ated with entry and how they might vary for men and women.

From the time they can talk, children are asked, “what do you want to be when you

grow up?”. Just like their Halloween costumes, kids’ answers range from fantasy (e.g.,

superheroes, princesses) to more realistic options such as teachers, firefighters, and

police officers. Despite advancements in women’s rights to participate in society and

their movement into the workforce, men and women around the world still grow up in

societies where career role models are relatively gendered in nature (Evetts, 2000;

Jarman et al., 2012; Zagenczyk & Murrell, 2006). One of the first steps to recruiting

someone into any career is getting them to imagine themselves in that position. When

it comes to policing, it is still more natural for young men than young women to see

themselves as officers. Even as many departments continue to move in the direction of

community policing, public images and recruitment materials portray a career that is

highly militarized and extremely masculine. If young women have trouble imagining

themselves as officers, it may be difficult to recruit them.

In the current study, we were interested in the extent to which college students had

ever imagined policing as a possible career and whether this differed by gender.

Further, we were interested in exploring the extent to which perceptions of gender self-

concept was related to having considered policing as a career. Below, we look to the