What does the public want police to do during pandemics? A national experiment
| Published date | 01 August 2021 |
| Author | Justin Nix,Stefan Ivanov,Justin T. Pickett |
| Date | 01 August 2021 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9133.12535 |
Received: July Revised: September Accepted: November
DOI: ./- .
SPECIAL ISSUE ARTICLE
THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON CRIME AND JUSTICE
What does the public want police to do during
pandemics? A national experiment
Justin Nix1Stefan Ivanov2Justin T. Pickett3
School of Criminology and Criminal
Justice, University of Nebraska Omaha,
Omaha, Nebraska, USA
School of Criminal Justice, State
University of New Yorkat Albany,
Albany, New York,USA
School of Criminal Justice, State
University of New Yorkat Albany,
Albany, New York,USA
Correspondence
JustinNix, School of Criminology and
CriminalJustice, University of Nebraska
Omaha, Dodge Street, CPACS,
Omaha,NE , USA.
Email:jnix@unomaha.edu
Fundinginformation
Universityat Albany, SUNY Graduate
StudentAssociation Research Award
Research Summary: We administered a survey exper-
iment to a national sample of U.S. adults in April
to determine the factors that shape support for
various policing tactics in the midst of the COVID-
pandemic. Respondents were sharply divided in their
views about pandemic policing tactics and were least
supportive of policies that might limit public access to
officers or reduce crime deterrence. Information about
the health risks to officers, but not to inmates, signif-
icantly increased support for “precautionary” policing,
but not for “social distance” policing. The information
effect was modest, but may be larger if the information
came from official sources and/or was communicated
on multiple occasions. Other factors that are associated
with attitudes towardpandemic policing include percep-
tions of procedural justice, altruistic fear, racial resent-
ment, and authoritarianism.
Policy Implications: When considered together with
other evidence, one clear takeawayfrom our study is that
the public values police patrols and wants officers on
call, even during pandemics. Another is that people who
believe the police are procedurally just are more willing
to trust officers in times of crisis and to empower them to
enforce new laws, such as social distancing ordinances.
Our results thus support continued procedural justice
training for officers. A third takeaway is that agencies
must proactively communicate with the public about the
Criminology & Public Policy. ;:–. © American Society of Criminology 545wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/capp
546 NIX .
risks their officers face when responding to public health
crises or natural disasters, in addition to how they pro-
pose to mitigate those risks. They must also be amenable
to adjusting in response to community feedback.
KEYWORDS
COVID-, deterrence, legitimacy, policing, public health, public
opinion
1 INTRODUCTION
In January , the World Health Organization identified a new coronavirus, COVID-, which
has since spread rapidly throughout the world. By March, they had classified it as a global pan-
demic. At the time of this writing, the virus has infected over million people worldwide and
claimed the lives of over ,. The United States has been hit especially hard,with over . mil-
lion confirmed cases and , deaths (CDC, ). In the absence of a vaccine, the virus has
caused significant societal disruptions to those not infected—including the cancellation of sport-
ing events, festivals, and concerts; the suspension of in-person K- and college classes; closure
of nonessential businesses; and in many places, orders from government officials to stay at home
and practice “social distancing.” The shutdowns have had dire economic consequences. In May,
the U.S. Labor Department reported that . million Americans had filed for unemployment in
the previous eight weeks. Such abrupt changes to citizens’ daily lives have major consequences
for the criminal justice system (Jennings & Perez, ; Lum, Maupin, & Stoltz, ).
The police, in particular, are faced with three primary concerns. The first is that, like every-
one else, officers are at risk of contracting COVID-19. In New York City, a hotspot for the virus,
over members of the NYPD had tested positive, and had died, as of early May (Rumm-
ler, ). The Detroit Police Department was similarly ravaged by the virus: % of uniformed
officers tested positive—including the Chief—and nearly % were quarantined at some point
(Eligon & MacFarquhar,). Such alarming statistics, coupled with a shortage of personal pro-
tective equipment (PPE), suggest a need for precautionary policing—that is, cutting back on self-
initiated activities and enforcement of low-level crimes. Indeed, a survey of approximately
police departments conducted in March revealed that % had “adopted formal policies to reduce
or limit proactive traffic or pedestrian stops” (Lum et al., ). Forexample, the South Burlington
(VT) Police Department instructed officers to limit proactive traffic stops to “more serious viola-
tions.” Meanwhile, Gloucester Township (NJ) police officers were told “pedestrian contacts and
stops will only be conducted when necessary for public safety or caretaking purposes.”In theory,
deemphasizing these sorts of enforcement activities should protect both officers and citizens by
providing fewer opportunities for the virus to be transmitted.
A second, related concern for the police is reducing jail populations. Many states have made
conscious efforts to reduce jail and prison populations to avoid the spread of COVID- among
inmates (Nowotny, Bailey, Omori, & Brinkley-Rubinstein, ; Saloner, Parish, Ward, DiLaura,
& Dolovich, ). Here again, precautionary policing is one obvious way to do this. As but one
example, the Rockford (IL) Police Department ordered its officers to issue Notices to Appear,
rather than making custodial arrests, for misdemeanor crimes in the interest of reducing the
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