What Determines Where Public Investment Goes? Regional Governance and the Role of Institutional Rules and Power

Published date01 January 2021
AuthorBrian Y. An,Raphael W. Bostic
Date01 January 2021
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/puar.13220
64 Public Administration Review Januar y | Fe brua ry 202 1
Abstract: As an embodiment of the collaborative governance model, metropolitan planning organizations in the
United States allocate federal, state, and local funds to member municipalities for transportation projects across their
regions. To examine how institutional rules and power shape where public investment goes, the authors consider the
extent to which the allocation of local voting power in regional governing policy boards influences the spatial alloca-
tion of transportation investments. The analysis shows that the power structure of regional policy boards is consistently
a major factor associated with the observed geographic distribution of investments. Moreover, the results suggest that
the degree of power concentration of the dominant city in the region influences whether the remaining cities’ power
matters. These results suggest that institutional governance rules may be more important than previously recognized.
Evidence for Practice
Regional organizations’ allocation of resources is a function of the interaction of the rule-based allocation of
power and the degree of dominance of a region’s central city.
The degree of power concentration of the dominant city influences whether the power held by the other
cities in a region matters in funding allocation outcomes.
To achieve collaborative governance process in which a broad range of participants can shape the allocation
outcomes, practitioners should develop a representation system that encourages inclusive sharing of voting
power among participants themselves.
Local governments in the United States and
elsewhere are increasingly choosing collaborative
approaches to resolve institutional collective action
problems and to achieve better regional policy outcomes.
Much of the recent research on interlocal collaboration
asks what rules, incentives, and resources are available to
local jurisdictions so that public managers can overcome
transaction costs embedded in joint actions and
maximize benefits (Hansen, Mullin, and Riggs2019;
Ki, Song, and Kwak2020; Klok et al.2018; Lubell et
al.2017; Song, Park, and Jung2018; Yi et al.2018).
One strand of scholarly inquiry focuses on what
forms of governance should be adopted to integrate
institutional collective action problems. Depending on
the characteristics and scale of the policy problem and
the degree of transaction costs entailed in collaboration,
localities may join informal networks such as voluntary
associations, create cross-jurisdictional special districts,
or form regional councils of governments (Feiock2013).
This article focuses on the third of these.
Regional councils have been found to minimize
transaction costs for high-risk cooperation (Kwon,
Feiock, and Bae2014), which is particularly
useful when the collaboration involves many
actors and they jointly need to make long-term
investments (Olson1971). In polycentric systems of
governance, one such policy area is transportation
planning; by its nature, transportation policy carries
interjurisdictional externalities that cannot be
addressed by local governments’ independent actions
(Howell-Moroney2008). In the United States, the
regional council for transportation planning is the
metropolitan planning organization (MPO). The
federal statute mandates any urbanized area with a
population greater than 50,000 to establish an MPO.
Nationwide, 420 MPOs allocate hundreds of billions
of federal dollars every year.
MPOs decide how to allocate federal, state, and
often local funds for transportation investments.
The organizations’ mission is to fund transportation
projects that bring a significant impact throughout
their regions. Practitioners typically view MPOs as
professional bureaucracies that make collaborative,
data-dependent funding decisions such that no single
jurisdiction’s parochial interests prevail over others.
Notwithstanding this practitioner perspective, we lack
robust empirical evidence regarding what guides their
investment allocation decisions.
What Determines Where Public Investment Goes? Regional
Governance and the Role of Institutional Rules and Power
Brian Y. An Raphael W. Bostic
Georgia Institute of Technology Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta
Research Article
Raphael W. Bostic is president and chief
executive officer of the Federal Reserve
Bank of Atlanta. Much of this work was
conducted while he held the John and
Judith Bedrosian Chair of Governance and
the Public Enterprise in the Price School of
Public Policy at the University of Southern
California.
Email: raphael.bostic@atl.frb.org
Brian Y. An is assistant professor in the
School of Public Policy at the Georgia
Instiute of Technology. His research
examines urban policy, public finance,
governance reform, and social equity
issues in local public service, focusing on
the role of institutions in shaping policy
effectiveness. Before joining Georgia Tech,
Dr. An taught in the Department of Political
Science at the University of Tennessee,
Knoxville as assistant professor. He holds a
doctorate in public policy and management
from the Price School of Public Policy at the
University of Southern California.
Email: yan74@gatech.edu
Public Administration Review,
Vol. 81, Iss. 1, pp. 64–80. © 2020 by
The American Society for Public Administration.
DOI: 10.1111/puar.13220.
Regional Governance and The Role of Institutional Rules and Power 65
In this article, we seek to address this gap by examining whether the
power structures created by MPO institutional rules are relevant
for their resource allocation decisions. Specifically, we ask whether
voting power of participant cities in the MPO governing boards
influences resource allocation outcomes. We choose to focus on the
role of local power in part because regional organizations such as
MPOs are often theorized to directly blunt its importance (Deyle
and Wiedenman2014; Innes, Booher, and Di Vittorio2010).1
Leveraging a unique data set of geocoded transportation projects
programmed and approved by the four largest MPOs in Texas, we
show that the extent of cities’ voting power in governing boards is
an important factor that explains the distribution of projects across
the local jurisdictions. This remains true even when we consider
other external factors that were described to be more important
by practitioners, such as traffic and road pavement conditions,
demographics, and the employment environment.
We also find that the internal power structure of MPOs has
consequences for whether member cities meaningfully shape
funding allocation outcomes in the region. In regions where local
voting power is heavily concentrated in a primary dominant city,
marginal shifts in power among the remaining localities do not
significantly affect funding allocation outcomes. By contrast, when
the dominance of the primary city or cities disappears, a marginal
increase in power for a nonprimary city translates into a significantly
higher likelihood that a project located in the city will receive
funding.
These results differ from what was predicted by the policy makers
and practitioners interviewed in our related research, suggesting
that institutional governance rules may be more important than
previously recognized. Our article provides some avenues to enrich
the discussions on how power dynamics in collaborative governance
systems can be addressed through the effective design of governance
structures and processes. Relatedly, our work underscores the role of
institutions on equitable regional development.
First, in keeping with recent arguments on the distribution of power
and institutional design in collaborative governance scholarship,
our results suggest a connection between research and actions that
policy makers are recommended to take. We suggest that policy
makers and public managers must not only give attention to the
institutional rules and distribution of power in intergovernmental
organizations. They must also take actions to develop a more
inclusive representation system. Developing such a system requires
empowering less powerful localities in decision-making so that
the funding allocation process is not dominated by a few powerful
actors but rather is shaped by collective inputs across a broad range
of participants. In doing so, policy makers would be tasked to strike
a right balance between equity and efficiency considerations of
resource allocation.
Second, the findings add to discussions on ideal forms of
government in metropolitan economies. While scholars have
long debated whether a consolidated government form would
enhance the efficiency and equity of public services, one area that
often has been neglected in the literature is the role of existing
regional institutions and how they can contribute to metropolitan
development. Our work suggests that it is not just institutional
choice that matters. The design of the governing structure,
particularly the distribution of formal power, is also important. This
article highlights the issue of balance of power in regional bodies as
a critical aspect of collaborative metropolitan governance.
The article proceeds as follows: The next two sections provide a
brief background on the literature on public goods provision as
well as information on regional planning organizations and the role
played by them in public investment allocation. It then builds on
relevant theories to develop our arguments and hypotheses. The
following section presents the data, methods, and empirical analysis.
The article concludes by discussing our contribution to the scholarly
debates on metropolitan governance as well as policy implications
for public sector organizational management.
Political Power and Public Goods Allocation across
Localities in a Region
A large literature has identified multiple factors that shape the
provision and spatial allocation of public goods across localities
in a region. Tiebout’s(1956) seminal theory identified residential
choice dynamics as a key consideration. By voting with their feet
and allocating themselves across jurisdictions that vary in the bundle
of public goods local governments provide, citizens reveal their
demand.
Building on Tiebout(1956), Peterson(1981) introduces a
city limit model in which a competitive urban environment
causes local governments to prefer development-oriented public
investment, such as in highways and transportation infrastructure,
to redistributive programs. While Peterson’s theoretical argument
has found some empirical support, both in terms of mayoral
preferences (Saiz1999) and city spending patterns (Jimenez2014;
Minkoff2012; Schneider1989), many have argued that the
model reduces the complex structure of city decision-making to
economic imperatives and constraints and overlooks the role of
other factors, including political and institutional considerations
(Basolo and Huang2001; Einstein and Glick2018; Hajnal and
Trounstine2010).
Indeed, a growing body of recent research finds that political
ideology influences the allocation of public goods even at the local
level, with a particular ideology being associated with lower levels
of local public spending (de Benedictis-Kessner and Warshaw2016;
Gerber and Hopkins2011), stronger support for redistributive
programs (Einstein and Glick2018), and greater collaboration
through interlocal agreements (Gerber, Henry, and Lubell2013;
Song, Park, and Jung2018). Yet, despite the prominence of theories
on urban governance that have focused on political power (e.g.,
Dahl1961; Stone1989), relatively few empirical studies explicitly
incorporate political power considerations into resource allocation
decision-making process for urban public goods (Hochschild2008).
Our research adds to this limited literature by exploring how
political power affects resource allocation decision-making in
regional organizations.
This article is also related to both distributive politics and
collaborative governance scholarship. Political scientists have long
argued that individual legislators in a national government care

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