Voting Technology, Vote-by-Mail, and Residual Votes in California, 1990–2010

AuthorDustin Beckett,Charles Stewart,R. Michael Alvarez
DOI10.1177/1065912912467085
Published date01 September 2013
Date01 September 2013
Subject MatterArticles
Political Research Quarterly
66(3) 658 –670
© 2011 University of Utah
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DOI: 10.1177/1065912912467085
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Regular Article
A decade ago, the nation became aware that voting
machines are not simply ciphers through which voters cast
their ballots. Palm Beach County, Florida, provided the
best illustration of how machine malfunction—exemplified
by “hanging” and “pregnant” chad—and poor ballot
design—exemplified by the “butterfly ballot”—could result
in a vote being miscounted, if counted at all (e.g., R. C.
Sinclair et al. 2000; Smith 2002; Wand et al. 2001).
The Florida fiasco resulted in a strong public demand
for improved voting technology. This demand was made
explicit by the Help America Vote Act (HAVA) of 2002,
which mandated retirement of older voting technologies
and resulted in billions of state and federal dollars being
spent to retire old voting machines. The fiasco also led to
a flurry of new research into the causes of “lost votes”
due to voting technologies.1 Within political science, this
research has focused on explaining the residual vote rate
in presidential elections as a function of the type of voting
technology used by voters. (The residual vote rate is the
percentage of ballots cast that either contain an over- or
undervote for a particular election.)
Yet despite all of this research, at least two significant
questions remain unanswered. First, despite the fact that
American elections are noted for their long ballots, how
voting technology affects residual votes for elections fur-
ther down the ballot, such as for state and local offices or
ballot measures, is still unknown. Second, at the same
time that states and local jurisdictions across the country
have retired their antiquated voting technologies, many
of the same states and localities have seen a surge in vot-
ing by mail, either by liberalizing absentee ballot laws or
mandating vote-by-mail altogether. How this transforma-
tion has affected residual vote rates remains unknown.
The purpose of this paper is to use recent elections in
California as a laboratory to help address these two ques-
tions: (1) whether changes in voting technologies have
the same effects in reducing lost votes in elections other
than for president and (2) whether the rise of voting by
mail has reinforced federal voting technology policy by
lowering the number of lost votes in elections. The
answer to the first question is a qualified “yes.” The
answer to the second question is a qualified “no.”
California provides an apt laboratory for answering
these questions because of its size, length of ballot, use of
various voting technologies, and because of the impor-
tance of its ballot measures. Studying how voting tech-
nologies affect lost votes down the ballot is difficult in
nationwide research because states are highly variable
both in the number of offices that are up for election,
including those on the statewide ballot, and in specifying
the order in which offices appear on the ballot. The num-
ber of statewide offices in California is exceptional,
which allows us to study the down-ballot effects with
some precision. In addition, the general structure of the
ballot is fixed across the state, allowing for local offices
to be sandwiched between the statewide elections at the
top and ballot measures toward the bottom of the ballot.2
Moreover, because of the significant independent
authority of the constitutional officers who are on the
467085PRQXXX10.1177/10659129124670
85Political Research QuarterlyAlvarez et al.
1California Institute of Technology, Pasadena, CA, USA
2Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, USA
Corresponding Author:
R. Michael Alvarez, California Institute of Technology, DHSS 228-77,
1200 E. California Blvd., Pasadena, CA 91125, USA.
Email: rma@hss.caltech.edu
Voting Technology, Vote-by-Mail, and
Residual Votes in California, 1990–2010
R. Michael Alvarez1, Dustin Beckett1, and Charles Stewart, III2
Abstract
We examine how the growth in vote-by-mail and changes in voting technologies led to changes in the residual vote rate
in California from 1990 to 2010. In California’s presidential elections, counties that abandoned punch cards in favor of
optical scanning enjoyed a significant improvement in the residual vote rate. We also conduct the first analysis of the
effects of the rise of vote-by-mail on residual votes. Regardless of the election, increased use of the mail to cast ballots
is robustly associated with a significant rise in the residual vote rate.
Keywords
voting technologies, vote-by-mail, residual votes

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