Visible Homelessness in a “Liveable City”: Municipal Responses to Homelessness in Melbourne

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12321
Published date01 March 2020
AuthorAlison Young,James Petty
Date01 March 2020
Visible Homelessness in a “Liveable City”:
Municipal Responses to Homelessness
in Melbourne
By James Petty* and alison young
abstract. Despite considerable national and urban prosperity, significant
numbers of Australians are homeless. How local governments engage
with homelessness has significant implications for the homeless
population. In recent years, municipal strategies have inclined towards
the maintenance of public order at the cost of the rights of homeless
individuals. In this article, we investigate the approach to homelessness
proposed by the City of Melbourne in 2017, which centered on the
expansion of powers to remove individuals and the confiscation of
possessions, testing the council’s claims as to the impact of visible
homelessness upon local businesses and upon other users of public
spaces.
Introduction
While patterns of homelessness differ across cultural, political, and
geographic contexts, one of the most vexing aspects is its persistence
in wealthy countries. How homelessness is responded to in econom-
ically prosperous countries offers insight into barriers to its resolution
that are political rather than economic, but nonetheless intractable.
Australia has for many years grappled ineffectively with homeless-
ness, despite enviable economic prosperity, with the global financial
recession appearing to have less impact than in other highly devel-
oped Western nations.
Despite Australia’s material wealth, homelessness is a serious and
widespread social problem, experienced by as many as 1 in 200 in-
dividuals (Homelessness Australia 2016). All Australian cities host a
American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 79, No. 2 (March, 2020).
DOI: 10.1111/ajes.12321
© 2020 American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Inc
*Criminology, School of Social & Political Sciences, University of Melbourne, and
Victorian Alcohol and Drug Association (VAADA).
†Criminology, School of Social & Political Sciences, University of Melbourne, and Law
School, City, University of London. Email: ayoung@unimelb.edu.au
402 The American Journal of Economics and Sociology
substantial population of individuals experiencing homelessness of
varying kinds and duration (Mechkaroff et al. 2018). In addition, there
are numerous individuals enduring the kind of social or economic
precariousness identified by Standing (2014). The scale of the problem
directly contradicts assumptions about the quality of life in Australian
towns and cities. As an example, Melbourne for several years running
(2010–2017) was awarded the accolade of “World’s Most Liveable City”
by the Economist Intelligence Unit, but housing—a key element of
“liveability”—is inaccessible to many of its inhabitants. (In 2018 and
2019, Melbourne was ranked second to Vienna. For a critical view of
Melbourne’s “liveability,” see Lucas (2018b).)
Provision of affordable housing constitutes the primary solution to
homelessness (Kertesz and Johnson 2017). However, waiting lists are
long. In Victoria, it is estimated that over 82,000 people are in need
of housing. Around 90 percent of these annually are not assisted with
housing needs (Incerti 2018). As a result, most individuals experienc-
ing homelessness will endure living conditions that are temporary,
unsafe, or unstable. Many will endure periods in which they appear
visibly homeless through having to sleep rough or to seek donations
in public spaces. Chamberlain and Johnson (2016) state that about 1.4
million Australians will have to sleep rough at some point.
A persistent and complex social issue, homelessness demands
well-coordinated and long-term strategies at federal, state, and neigh-
borhood levels. Over a decade ago, a federal government plan to
end homelessness was proposed (DFHCSIA 2008). Since then, how-
ever, despite rising numbers of individuals experiencing homeless-
ness, Australia’s policy responses to homelessness have diminished
in scope, with the issue itself tending to be relegated to local govern-
ment responsibility (Jacobs 2016). Local governments have thus been
placed at the forefront of the challenges posed by homelessness. In
themselves, they have a relatively limited capacity to effectively ad-
dress the structural causes of homelessness. Nevertheless, the way in
which local governments engage with homelessness has significant
implications for local homeless populations.
In lieu of lasting solutions to the issue of homelessness, local gov-
ernments tend towards balancing their commitment to clean and

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