Violence and Moral Exclusion: Legitimizing Domestic Military Operations in Brazil

Published date01 July 2022
AuthorDavid P. Succi Junior
Date01 July 2022
DOI10.1177/0095327X20988106
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X20988106
Armed Forces & Society
2022, Vol. 48(3) 634 –656
© The Author(s) 2021
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DOI: 10.1177/0095327X20988106
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Article
Original Manuscript
Violence and Moral
Exclusion: Legitimizing
Domestic Military
Operations in Brazil
David P. Succi Junior
1
Abstract
Many contemporary security issues entail the domestic military deployment, which
is deemed to blur the division between armed forces and police. This argument
relies on the theoretical coa lescence between territo ry, political authority, a nd
community. In contrast, I argue the military domestic deployment is largely
grounded on the process of defining and redefining the boundaries of the
community to be protected, which informs the organization of the instruments of
force and is shaped throughout the process of legitimizing a particular kind of
violence deployment. This article analyses the parliamentary minutes on three
domestic military operations in Brazil—Operation Rio (1994), Operation Arcanjo
(2010), and the Operation Rio de Janeiro (2017)—through t he moral exclusion
framework and shows that the debates about whether or not the armed forces
should be deployed are embedded in the struggle of drawing the community’s
boundaries.
Keywords
South Central America, civil military relations, defense policy, policing, international
relations
1
Graduate School of International Relations, Sa
˜o Paulo State University (UNESP), Sa
˜o Paulo, Brazil
Corresponding Author:
David P. Succi Junior, Graduate School of International Relations, Sa
˜o Paulo State University (UNESP),
San Tiago Dantas, Prac¸a da S´
e, 108—3Andar, Sa
˜o Paulo, 01001-900, Brazil.
Email: david.succi@unesp.br
Junior 635
Original Manuscript
Violence and Moral
Exclusion: Legitimizing
Domestic Military
Operations in Brazil
David P. Succi Junior
1
Abstract
Many contemporary security issues entail the domestic military deployment, which
is deemed to blur the division between armed forces and police. This argument
relies on the theoretical coa lescence between territo ry, political authority, a nd
community. In contrast, I argue the military domestic deployment is largely
grounded on the process of defining and redefining the boundaries of the
community to be protected, which informs the organization of the instruments of
force and is shaped throughout the process of legitimizing a particular kind of
violence deployment. This article analyses the parliamentary minutes on three
domestic military operations in Brazil—Operation Rio (1994), Operation Arcanjo
(2010), and the Operation Rio de Janeiro (2017)—through t he moral exclusion
framework and shows that the debates about whether or not the armed forces
should be deployed are embedded in the struggle of drawing the community’s
boundaries.
Keywords
South Central America, civil military relations, defense policy, policing, international
relations
1
Graduate School of International Relations, Sa
˜o Paulo State University (UNESP), Sa
˜o Paulo, Brazil
Corresponding Author:
David P. Succi Junior, Graduate School of International Relations, Sa
˜o Paulo State University (UNESP),
San Tiago Dantas, Prac¸a da S´
e, 108—3Andar, Sa
˜o Paulo, 01001-900, Brazil.
Email: david.succi@unesp.br
Introduction
The military domestic deployment in operations involving the use of force is
entailed in many contemporary security policies aimed to deal with different issues
such as transnational organized crime, especially drug trafficking, terrorism, control
of migratory flows, and environmental crimes. It is characterized in the literature as
a blurring of the division between internal and international security (Bigo, 2001,
2016; Eriksson & Rhinard, 2009; Lutterbeck, 2005), military forces and police
(Celi, 2016; Edmunds, 2006; Friesendorf, 2012; Ojo, 2008; Weiss, 2011), defense
and public security (Saint-Pierre, 2011), as well as crime and war (Andreas & Price,
2001; Feldman, 2006). The notion of blurring became pervasive in the literature
because this kind of military operation challenges the traditional notion, according to
which the political world is divided between domestic pacified realms in opposition
to an anarchical international system. Under this perspective, states have an instru-
ment of force aimed to enforce the domestic legal system and another responsible to
protect the existence of the political unity. Consequently, the domestic instrument of
force (i.e., the police) must act with the minimum degree of coercion while the
military is supposed to be highly lethal.
This difference is grounded on the claim that the state is constituted by a
well-defined community, within which violence is not an acceptable instrument to
solve quarrels and which must be protected from foreign aggression. In this sense, it
is surprising that the notion of community has not been a more central issue in the
debate about the domestic mobilization of armed forces. In effect, when the scholars
are not completely dismissive about the role played by the notion of community, it
has a secondary place in the analysis, often equated with the state’s territorial
borders. The physical division of a territory, however, does not have a meaning
by itself (Paasi, 2009). When scholars argue that deploying the armed forces within
this circumscription means to use the lethality instrument against its population,
it implies that the territorial delimitation is assumed to be also the delimitation of
a community. In this sense, even though it is not extensively discussed, there is a
particular notion of community implied in the literature, which is taken for granted
and must be further addressed.
In fact, the normality benchmark, upon which arguments about a process of blur-
ring are drawn, is a theoretical framework that welds together territory, political
authority, and community. However, as it has been widely discussed in the Interna-
tional Relations and International Security fields, this coalescence reifies a homoge-
neous collectivity and overlooks the historical violent construction of this
unity (Ferguson & Mansbach, 1996; Rae, 2003; Ruggie, 1993; Walker, 1993). The
deployment of military forces within its state’s territory, aimed at employing violence
against part of its population, reveals that the state’s borders do not mediate the
division between lethal violence and a downsized force designed to enforce the law.
I argue that the dispute around shaping and reshaping the boundaries of a
community (i.e., shifting forward and backward the line between those included
2Armed Forces & Society XX(X)

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