Victim‐Based Effects on Racially Disparate Sentencing in Ohio

Published date01 March 2011
Date01 March 2011
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1740-1461.2010.01202.x
Victim-Based Effects on Racially Disparate
Sentencing in Ohiojels_120285..117
John Wooldredge, Timothy Griffin, Amy Thistlethwaite, and
Fritz Rauschenberg*
Scholars have argued that African-American men accused of violently victimizing whites
receive especially harsh treatment in court. This thesis was tested with samples of felony
defendants processed in Ohio courts before and after the implementation of sentencing
guidelines. During the preguideline period only, African-American men accused of victim-
izing whites were less likely than other defendants to plead guilty in exchange for reduced
charges and/or sentences, and African-American men incarcerated for violent crimes
against whites received longer sentences than other incarcerated offenders. During the
postguideline period only, by contrast, the odds of pleading guilty in exchange for reduced
charges were actually higher for African-American men accused of victimizing whites.
African-American male prison terms significantly declined relative to incarcerated whites
from the preguideline to the postguideline period. The interaction effect of defendant-
victim race was significant during the preguideline period, not significant in the postguide-
line period, and significantly changed over time.
I. Introduction
Critical criminologists argue that the components of the criminal justice system operate to
favor criminal suspects with higher social and economic status at the expense of lower-status
suspects, including racial minorities, who are often identified as “dangerous.”1In the
criminal courts, therefore, minority defendants may experience more punitive treatment
relative to white defendants because of their marginalized status.2Evidence of harsher case
*Address correspondence to John Wooldredge, Division of Criminal Justice, University of Cincinnati, PO Box 210389,
Cincinnati, OH 45221-0389; email: John.Wooldredge@UC.edu. Wooldredge is at University of Cincinnati; Griffin is
at University of Nevada–Reno; Thistlethwaite is at Northern Kentucky University; Rauschenberg is with Ohio Parole
Authority.
Supported under Award 98-CE-VX-0015 from the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, U.S.
Department of Justice. Points of view in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the
official position of the U.S. Department of Justice. Thanks to Travis Pratt for his assistance on this project.
1Donald Black, The Behavior of Law (1976).
2Jeffrey Reiman, The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison (2001).
Journal of Empirical Legal Studies
Volume 8, Issue 1, 85–117, March 2011
85
outcomes for minority defendants in general is sporadic,3but an emerging theme in extant
studies is that race effects on sentencing may depend on other characteristics of defendants
such as their sex,4employment status,5or pretrial release status,6and may also be condi-
tioned by court/jurisdiction characteristics such as political climate,7and racial composi-
tion of the population.8This relatively large body of research, however, offers limited
insight into possible conditioning effects of victim characteristics on racial disparities in case
outcomes.9For example, African-American defendants accused of violently victimizing
whites may face higher odds of imprisonment compared to other dyads defined by the
defendant’s and victim’s race.10
The study described here offers insight into victim-based effects on racially dispar-
ate treatment with analyses of imprisonment and sentence length for samples of felony
defendants processed in 24 Ohio jurisdictions. These analyses were conducted separately
for samples of defendants processed before versus after the implementation of presump-
tive guidelines in Ohio in order to examine whether these guidelines effectively reduced
extralegal disparities in sentencing. Interest in the pre- versus postguideline comparisons
stems from the argument that extralegal disparities in case outcomes can be lessened
with sentencing guidelines that reduce judicial discretion.11 Also presented are analyses of
racial disparities in dispositions at earlier stages of case processing (dropped charges vs.
plea bargains vs. guilty pleas to the original indictments or trial convictions), based on
the idea that discretion in decision making might be “displaced” from judges to pros-
ecutors under more structured sentencing.12 Aside from the focus on racial dyads (i.e.,
whether victim’s race conditions the effects of defendant’s race on the severity of case
3Jeffery Ulmer & Brian Johnson, Sentencing in Context: A Multi-Level Analysis, 42 Criminology 137 (2004).
4Darrell Steffensmeier et al., The Interaction of Race, Gender, and Age in Criminal Sentencing: The Punishment Cost
of Being Young, Black, and Male, 36 Criminology 763 (1998).
5Cassia Spohn & David Holleran, The Imprisonment Penalty Paid by Young, Unemployed Black and Hispanic Males,
38 Criminology 281 (2000).
6Celesta Albonetti, Race and the Probability of Pleading Guilty, 6 J. Quantitative Criminology 315 (1990).
7Jeffery Ulmer & John Kramer, Court Communities Under Sentencing Guidelines: Dilemmas of Formal Rationality
and Sentencing Disparity, 42 Criminology 383 (1996).
8Ulmer & Johnson, supra note 3.
9Cassia Spohn & Jeffrey Spears, The Effect of Victim and Offender Characteristics on Sexual Assault Case Processing
Decisions, 13 Just. Q. 649 (1996).
10Raymond Paternoster & Robert Brame, An Empirical Analysis of Maryland’s Death Sentencing System with Respect
to the Influence of Race and Legal Jurisdiction: Final Report (2003).
11Marvin Frankel, Criminal Sentences: Law Without Order (1972).
12Candace McCoy, Determinate Sentencing, Plea Bargaining Bans, and Hydraulic Discretion in California, 9 Just. Sys.
J. 256 (1984).
86 Wooldredge et al.
outcomes), the conditioning effects of victim’s sex and familiarity with the defendant
were also examined.
II. Race Group Differences in Court Dispositions and
the Limits of Sentencing Reform
A focus on general disparities in treatment between race groups might mask disadvantages
that accrue when minority status acts in combination with other factors to the detriment of
African-American defendants.13 From a symbolic interactionist perspective, the combina-
tion of minority status with other attributes that are also associated with criminal “threat”
might contribute to court actors’ perceptions of minority defendants with these attributes
as particularly menacing.14 Race-based disparities in case outcomes could result from these
more subliminal influences of minority status acting in conjunction with other factors.15 For
example, research has found that racial/ethnic minorities are at a disadvantage relative to
whites in final sentencing outcomes if they are young and male,16 poor,17 unemployed,18 or
are convicted of particularly serious offenses.19
A. Disparate Treatment Based on Perceptions of Criminal “Threat”
A number of theoretical perspectives have been advanced to account for why other extra-
legal attributes might interact with a defendant’s race or ethnicity to yield harsher sen-
tences. For example, scholars have drawn from theory on organizational decision making
to explain why young African-American males might be sent to prison more often and
might receive longer sentences relative to other defendant groups.20 Under pressure to
dispose of cases efficiently, and lacking perfect knowledge of offenders’ amenability to
rehabilitation or likelihood of recidivism, sentencing judges instinctively default to criminal
13Terance Miethe, Charging and Plea Bargaining Practices Under Determinate Sentencing: An Investigation of the
Hydraulic Displacement of Discretion, 78 J. Crim. L. & Criminology 155 (1987).
14Darnell Hawkins, Beyond Anomalies: Rethinking the Conflict Perspective on Race and Criminal Punishment, 65
Soc. Forces (1987).
15Steffensmeier et al., supra note 4.
16Spohn & Holleran, supra note 5.
17John Wooldredge, Analytical Rigor in Studies of Disparity in Case Processing, 14 J. Quantitative Criminology 155
(1998).
18Ted Chiricos & Williams Bales, Unemployment and Punishment: An Empirical Assessment, 29 Criminology 701
(1991).
19Charles Crawford et al., Race, Racial Threat, and Sentencing of Habitual Offenders, 36 Criminology 481 (1998).
20Steffensmeier et al., supra note 4.
Victim-Based Effects on Racially Disparate Sentencing 87

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