Using Technology and Iterative Research to Strengthen the Social Safety Net

Published date01 March 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00027162231205391
AuthorAimee Chabot,Maximilian Hell
Date01 March 2023
256 ANNALS, AAPSS, 706, March 2023
DOI: 10.1177/00027162231205391
Using
Technology and
Iterative
Research to
Strengthen the
Social Safety
Net
By
AIMEE CHABOT
and
MAXIMILIAN HELL
1205391ANN THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYUSING TECHNOLOGY AND ITERATIVE RESEARCH
research-article2023
People who seek public benefits for their families often
struggle to navigate the complicated labyrinth of U.S.
safety net programs. We show that states can meaning-
fully improve access for families in need—even in the
absence of significant policy change—by adopting
widely used technology and common research prac-
tices. Technology and research can be applied to each
stage of benefits delivery: outreach, application, and
renewal. The suggestions we offer vary in their ease of
implementation: some are simple, like sending repeated
renewal reminders through as many channels of com-
munication as possible; others are more involved, like
bundling together separate program applications. We
argue that if states are to succeed at simplifying the
enrollment process—and thereby increase the share of
eligible people receiving benefits—they can help their
own cause by building and maintaining a modern tech-
nological infrastructure for data collection and analysis,
and then act on what those data reveal.
Keywords: safety net; public assistance; technology;
modernization; state capacity
Unlocking the Door to Safety
Net Benefits
To receive support from the U.S. social safety
net, people need to be proactive and engaged.
When looking for benefits, families in the U.S.
face a highly fragmented system, comprising a
Correspondence: aimeechabot@gmail.com
Aimee Chabot is an independent researcher who was
the first research knowledge manager at Code for
America, a civic technology nonprofit, where she syn-
thesized research findings across safety net projects.
Trained as a mixed-method behavioral scientist, she
completed her PhD at Duke University.
Maximilian Hell is a data scientist at Code for America,
where he focuses on tax benefits for low-income house-
holds. Previously, he worked at the Stanford Center on
Poverty and Inequality and completed a PhD in sociol-
ogy on trends in intergenerational income mobility in
the U.S.
USING TECHNOLOGY AND ITERATIVE RESEARCH 257
variety of programs with application and eligibility requirements that vary.
Frequently, the technological systems that support these programs and enable
families to apply for and receive benefits are also separated by program and
staffed and maintained distinctly. Once families have determined that they need
support—a decision that can itself be a challenging one—they then need to learn
which support programs exist, which ones might be helpful to them, whether
they are eligible, and how to apply for those benefits. This can turn into a
months-long process that involves scheduling and attending multiple interviews
and repeatedly providing documents to verify circumstances. This process entails
in-person visits; lengthy and difficult-to-understand forms; and interaction with
outdated, broken, or poorly designed technology platforms (see Herd and
Moynihan [2019] for a review of the obstacles applicants and recipients face).
And benefit seekers are those often least likely to be in a position to navigate this
obstacle course, given their high rates of unstable housing (Docker et al. 2019);
unpredictable work schedules (Guyot and Reeves 2020); limited access to child-
care, internet, and/or transportation (Ahmed et al. 2002; Baldiga et al. 2018;
Molla 2021); chronic illness (Davis 2012); and other stressors that only add to the
challenge of successfully enrolling in and maintaining benefits. Program partici-
pation rates are often accordingly low, and much support remains unused (Currie
2006).1 Moreover, depending on the kinds of setbacks a household is facing, the
available support is often asymmetric: that is, for a family temporarily short of
food but with stable housing, the programs typically work as intended; but for
those facing imminent homelessness, the safety net is far less effective despite
often being more consequential. Fewer than half of all applicants have been
provided payment for rent relief in California since that state’s benefit program
began in March 2021, and those who have received payment waited a median of
more than three months to be approved and another three weeks to receive pay-
ment (Treuhaft et al. 2022).
A growing body of research shows that, beyond the immediate relief that they
provide—and despite the challenges of accessing benefits—safety net programs
have long-term beneficial effects on multiple dimensions of well-being. For
example, receiving the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) leads to reductions in
low birth weights (Hoynes, Miller, and Simon 2015); improvements in maternal
health (Evans and Garthwaite 2014); and increases in children’s educational per-
formance, attainment, and college attendance (Bastian and Michelmore 2018;
Chetty, Friedman, and Rockoff 2014; Dahl and Lochner 2012; Manoli and
Turner 2018; Maxfield 2015). Receiving Supplemental Nutrition Assistance
Program (SNAP) benefits leads to improved health and economic outcomes,
especially for those who receive SNAP as children (Almond, Hoynes, and
Schanzenbach 2011; Hoynes, Schanzenbach, and Almond 2016). And both
Medicaid and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants,
and Children (WIC) have been shown to improve infant health (Currie and
Gruber 1996; Hoynes, Page, and Stevens 2011) and long-term health outcomes
(Carlson and Neuberger 2021; Soni 2020). Collyer et al. (this volume) document
how the Child Tax Credit (CTC), paid for by the American Rescue Plan, signifi-
cantly reduced poverty levels and food insufficiency for millions of children.

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