Understanding Violent Extremism: Identifying Motivational Classes in Male Jihadist Detainees

• Published date: 01 November 2023
• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X221144295
• Author: Gaby Thijssen,Erik Masthoff,Jelle J. Sijtsema,Stefan Bogaerts
• Date: 01 November 2023
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X221144295

International Journal of

Offender Therapy and

Comparative Criminology

2023, Vol. 67(15) 1455 –1473

© The Author(s) 2023

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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X221144295

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Article

Understanding Violent

Extremism: Identifying

Motivational Classes in Male

Jihadist Detainees

Gaby Thijssen1, Erik Masthoff2,3,

Jelle J. Sijtsema2,3, and Stefan Bogaerts2,3

Abstract

An important step in understanding violent extremist behavior is to identify its underlying

motivations. Insights into what drives violent extremists to their behavior may indicate

what is needed to reduce existing risk factors. To this end, this study investigated

violent extremist motivations in 124 male jihadi suspects and convicts residing in Dutch

prison terrorism wings. A Latent Class Analysis resulted in three motivation profiles.

The low motivated class scored in general low on risk and motivational indicators

of violent extremism. The morally driven class adhered to an ideology justifying

violence, experienced some degree of grievances but often saw limitations in the use

of violence to achieve ideological goals. The hardened ideologically driven class had

an ideology justifying violence, feelings of frustrations and criminal history of violence.

This descriptive study provides an important stepping-stone for future studies on how

motivation profiles can be used to reduce the risk of violent extremist (re)offending.

Keywords

violent extremism, terrorism wings, motivation, reoffending risk, risk factors

Introduction

Previous research has shown that violent extremists comprise a heterogeneous group

that cannot be characterized by a typical profile of a terrorist offender (Bakker, 2006;

1Penitentiary Institution Vught, The Netherlands

2Fivoor Academy of Research, Innovation and Development (FARID), Rotterdam, The Netherlands

3Tilburg University, The Netherlands

Corresponding Author:

Gaby Thijssen, PI Vught, Lunettenlaan 501, Vught 5263 NT, The Netherlands.

Email: g.thijssen@dji.minjus.nl

1144295IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X221144295International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyThijssen et al.

research-article2023

1456 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 67(15)

Van Leyenhorst & Andreas, 2017; Vidino & Hughes, 2015). Terrorist acts are mainly

ordinary crimes that are referred to as terrorism because of the motivation of the per-

petrator (Krastev, 2018). To understand the diversity in violent extremists, it is essen-

tial to first explore the motivations that may underlie violent extremism and

radicalization (Subramanyam, 2018). Developing profiles can help to gain more theo-

retical and empirical insights into motivations, which can then be used to elaborate

tailor-made intervention programs aimed at reducing extremist (re)offending

(Pressman et al., 2016).

Profiles of Extremism

Previous research has identified several profiles related to motivations for violent extrem-

ism and radicalization. Research into the (de-)radicalization process of 34 former violent

extremists showed different pathways to radicalization (Sieckelinck et al., 2019). In the

“problematic family situation” pathway, young people distance themselves from prob-

lems in their family life; their political direction seems to be secondary. In the “attractive

ideological environment” pathway, the family is characterized by stability, emotional sup-

port, and clear boundaries. People in this pathway are often smart and ambitious but fail

to address the feelings of discontent about political issues in relation to injustice. In the

“passionate personalities” pathway, people push boundaries and encounter in an all or

nothing lifestyle due to their personal character (Sieckelinck et al., 2019).

The “two-pyramids model” by McCauley and Moskalenko (2017) describes how

an individual moves from radicalization to action. As its name implies, this model

consists of two “pyramids.” The first one is the “opinion pyramid”: from the base to

the top layer of the pyramid there are successively “neutrals,” who do not care about a

political cause, “sympathizers” who believe in the cause but do not justify violence,

“justifiers” who do justify violence in defense of the cause, and individuals who feel a

“personal moral obligation” to use violence. The second pyramid is the “action pyra-

mid”: from the base to top layer there are “inverts” who do nothing for a cause, “activ-

ists” who are engaged in legal political action, “radicals” who are involved in illegal

actions for the cause, and “terrorists” who commit violent extremist actions that target

civilians (McCauley & Moskalenko, 2017). In both pyramids, an individual can skip a

flight of stairs when they ascend or descend the pyramid. It is important to keep in

mind that although radical beliefs can inspire radical actions, research indicated that

this connection is weak (McCauley & Moskalenko, 2017).

Other work has focused on links between social relationships and motivation for

violent extremism. Many profiles in this line of thought are based on Bandura’s (1973,

1998) social learning theory, which states that observations and imitation of aggres-

sive role models provokes violence. A variant of this model explains that terrorism

arises through cognitive “reconstruction” or moral imperatives (Victoroff, 2005). This

can arise, for example, from certain forms of education, public glorification of terror-

ism, or didactic learning by reading books and websites with terrorist philosophy and

methodology. It is important to realize that terrorism is not only dependent on the

motivation of the individual but appears to be the result of interaction between social