Understanding the Role of Government and Buyers in Supplier Energy Efficiency Initiatives

AuthorRyan Schuchard,Lisa M. Ellram,Zhaohui Wu
Date01 April 2014
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jscm.12044
Published date01 April 2014
UNDERSTANDING THE ROLE OF GOVERNMENT AND
BUYERS IN SUPPLIER ENERGY EFFICIENCY INITIATIVES
ZHAOHUI WU
Oregon State University
LISA M. ELLRAM
Miami University
RYAN SCHUCHARD
Business for Social Responsibility (BSR)
In environmental management, companies must respond to myriad needs
and pressures from stakeholders such as buyers, regulators, communities,
and NGOs. While researchers recognize that these stakeholder entities
have different saliency and influences over a focal firm, the influences
from multiple stakeholders are often aggregated as a single factor, over-
looking differences among them. Stakeholders may have competing
demands: A buyer may consider only potential environment-cost
trade-offs, while the government balances the environment, increased
cost-competitive manufacturing and job creation. Such demands compete
for the same resources within the supplier’s organization, forcing suppli-
ers to satisfice and compromise. This study qualitatively examines Chinese
suppliers’ responses to requests to adopt energy efficiency (EE) initiatives
in their production plants by two of their most critical stakeholders: buy-
ers and the government. We identify three categories of EE initiatives
implemented by the suppliers and find that their implementations are
contingent on their ownership characteristics and value alignment with
these two stakeholders. Further, we find that suppliers interpret buyers’
motives regarding EE in the context of buyersupplier relationships and
environmental positioning of the buyers’ products. These findings are
articulated in a set of propositions that are introduced based on our
analysis of these case study data.
Keywords: stakeholder theory; energy efficiency; buyersupplier relationship; govern-
ment influence; environmental decision-making; sustainability, case study; supply
management; China
INTRODUCTION
Over the past three decades, rapid economic devel-
opment in China has created a strong export-oriented
manufacturing sector, the so-called world factory
(Zhao, Flynn & Roth, 2007), supplying consumer
goods to Western buying firms (buyers henceforth).
This world factory comprises both state-owned enter-
prises, and private- and publicly traded companies
founded by entrepreneurs from the mainland, Taiwan
and Hong Kong (HK). As the Chinese economy is
transitioning from a planned economy to what is
termed state capitalism, the division of power (legisla-
ture, executive and judiciary) is primitive and evolving
(Luo, 2007). In environmental management, the cen-
tral government establishes policies and enforces them
with varying rigor.
When it comes to managing energy efficiency
(EE), suppliers face a unique challenge involving two
Acknowledgments: We thank the firms and numerous managers
who generously devoted their time to participate in this study.
We also acknowledge and thank Sherry Ma, Fengyuan Wang,
and many of their colleagues at BSR for introducing the buyers
and suppliers and coordinating our field visits in China.
Volume 50, Number 284
issues. The first is that energy waste is different from
other waste, such as toxins released from a factory.
While most energy production creates greenhouse
gases, the use of energy is not treated like a direct
form of pollution with clear regulation and compli-
ance mandates. Chinese manufacturers focus primarily
on Scope 1 emissions and do not view energy usage
as a form of pollution (Zhang, 2013).
1
Likewise, buy-
ers classify their suppliers’ EE as a Scope 3 carbon
emission and thus a greenhouse challenge in their
extended supply chain, where carbon counting is still
a new agenda even for proactive buyers.
The second issue is the competing motives of their
critical stakeholders, the buyers and the government,
when they demand EE. On the one hand, EE can
reduce cost and greenhouse gases. On the other hand,
it may require resources and investment that have no
immediate financial benefits and stymie regional eco-
nomic development by raising production costs.
Thus, suppliers have to interpret what the govern-
ment and buyers want and how to incorporate these
demands into business decisions. Stakeholder theory
researchers differentiate and categorize stakeholders
based on power, legitimacy and urgency (Mitchell,
Agle & Wood, 1997). While stakeholder analysis
recognizes differences among stakeholders, there is
limited investigation as to how these differences affect
an organization’s environmental actions. For instance,
in empirical studies, researchers often aggregate stake-
holder influences and treat the combined impact as a
single indicator (e.g., Agle, Mitchell & Sonnenfeld,
1999; Sarkis, Gonzalez-Torre & Adenso-Diaz, 2010).
They typically consider stakeholders as having a
coherent and unified agenda, simplifying the reality
that a focal firm must deal with competing demands.
Even though awareness of and ability to strategically
manage the demands of multiple stakeholders is
important to organizational success, existing studies
overlook how focal firms’ environmental actions vary
as they interpret stakeholder demands.
In this study, we examine the EE initiatives of Chi-
nese suppliers. This setting offers an opportunity to
explore a more nuanced understanding of stakeholder
influence and ensuing environmental actions of the
focal firms. It also has practical implications due to
the severity of carbon emission in China and other
emerging economies that compete with China as
manufacturers of the world. Our objective is to expand
the application of stakeholder theory by exploring
the complexity of buyers’ and the government’s
multidimensional demands, and in doing so, identify
factors affecting suppliers’ implementation of EE ini-
tiatives, thus providing buyers with practical guidance
to understand suppliers’ motives in tackling Scope 3
environmental challenges.
We take a qualitative approach to explore how sup-
pliers in China adopt EE initiatives in their manufac-
turing operations. More specifically, we examine the
following:
1 What motivates suppliers to pursue EE objectives?
2 What affects the influence, if any, of the govern-
ment and Western buyers in suppliers’ pursuit of
EE initiatives?
3 What types of actions do suppliers take in pursu-
ing EE, and why?
LITERATURE REVIEW
Energy Efficiency Management and Chinese
Policy
For purposes of this research, EE initiatives are
efforts to conserve energy used in production and
improve the productivity of energy as an input.
Amory Lovins (1976) pointed out that increasing EE
is one of the most effective ways to solve resource
shortages and environmental challenges, because most
of the energy produced is wasted in generation, trans-
mission and distribution. In recent years, supply chain
programs such as the Carbon Disclosure Project are
demanding that suppliers report and reduce green-
house gases (Plambeck & Denend, 2011). For many
Western buyers with heavy reliance on Chinese manu-
facturing operations, managing Chinese suppliers’ EE
is becoming a crucial element of their supply chain
environmental sustainability initiatives.
Furthermore, governments and companies view EE as
a measure of a country’s productivity and competitive-
ness and a strategic resource management issue (Bell,
Autry, Mollenkopf & Thornton, 2012; Krautkraemer,
1998). China is the world’s largest carbon emitter and
also has lower EE performance than all major devel-
oped countries (Hayes, Young & Sciortino, 2012). As
coal supplies 70 percent of China’s total energy con-
sumption (EIA, 2012) and manufacturing is a primary
energy consumer, EE is considered an important eco-
nomic, social and environmental development initia-
tive by the Chinese central government. From an
economic standpoint, energy shortages in the summer
months slow or stop production, hindering regional
output. As a social and environmental issue, increasing
pollution and fatal accidents in coal mines have created
a public health crisis and social unrest as citizens pro-
test the lack of transparency in government reporting of
both air quality and the loose control of coal mine
operations (Economist, 2012).
1
Scope 1 emissions are direct pollutants emitted by an owned
manufacturing process; Scope 2 emissions are emissions from
owned transportation and employee commuting, while Scope 3
emissions are everything else, including emissions from pur-
chased electricity, purchased materials and components and
product usage (Ellram & Tate, 2013).
April 2014
Energy Efficiency
85

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