Understanding the Influence of Latino Diversity over Child Poverty in the United States

AuthorLina Guzman,Renee Ryberg,Dana Thomson
Published date01 July 2021
DOI10.1177/00027162211048780
Date01 July 2021
Subject MatterEconomics
246 ANNALS, AAPSS, 696, July 2021
DOI: 10.1177/00027162211048780
Understanding
the Influence of
Latino Diversity
over Child
Poverty in the
United States
By
LINA GUZMAN,
DANA THOMSON,
and
RENEE RYBERG
1048780ANN THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYINFLUENCE OF LATINO DIVERSITY OVER CHILD POVERTY
research-article2021
The U.S. Latino population is diverse in terms of coun-
tries of heritage, citizenship status, languages spoken,
generational status, and geographic settlement pat-
terns. The likelihood of Latino children living in pov-
erty is often associated with these features of Latino
diversity; we challenge that view with analyses showing
that the underlying economic conditions of families
across demographic groups explain much of the likeli-
hood that a child will experience poverty. We use data
from the American Community Survey to examine the
extent to which the associations between features of
diversity and poverty are explained by differences in
socioeconomic characteristics. We find that the rela-
tionship between parental heritage and child poverty is
largely explained by socioeconomic characteristics.
Parental citizenship and English language proficiency,
while partly attenuated by socioeconomic characteris-
tics, also have direct effects on the likelihood of a child
living in poverty, suggesting that programs and policies
may need to be tailored to support the economic well-
being of these particularly vulnerable subgroups.
Keywords: poverty; child poverty; features; Latino
diversity; economic well-being
Latino children will play an important role in
shaping America’s future collective well-
being as a substantial and rapidly growing por-
tion of the country’s workforce, taxpayers,
voters, parents, and leaders (Vespa, Armstrong,
and Medina 2020). While many Latino children
share a wide range of social-emotional, educa-
tional, and familial strengths (Murphey,
Guzman, and Torres 2014), a large proportion
also face several challenges—perhaps most sig-
nificantly, challenges associated with living in or
Lina Guzman is a vice president for strategy and spe-
cial initiatives and director of Child Trends’ Hispanic
Institute. Her research focuses on documenting the
experiences of diverse communities of Latinos living in
the United States to help inform policies and programs
aimed at supporting their family and economic well-
being.
Correspondence: lguzman@childtrends.org
INFLUENCE OF LATINO DIVERSITY OVER CHILD POVERTY 247
near poverty. Roughly one in four Latino children, in 2019, lived in families
whose income was below the federal poverty line,1 representing the largest group
of children in poverty—at 4.2 million—in the United States (KIDS COUNT
Data Center 2020a). Another five million Latino children live in families with low
income, between 100 and 199 percent of the federal poverty line (KIDS COUNT
Data Center 2020b).
Although children can be resilient to the adverse impacts of economic insuf-
ficiency (Ratcliffe and Kalish 2017), overwhelming evidence exists that, on aver-
age, children growing up in poverty fare less well than children who do not grow
up in poverty (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine
[NASEM] 2019). Moreover, children who experience poverty at some point in
their life are considerably more likely to be poor as adults, underlining the role
of early life experiences for long-term economic mobility (Fass, Dinan, and
Aratani 2009). What is particularly striking about America’s rates of child poverty
is the substantial variation in risk across racial and ethnic groups. Latino and
Black children have rates of poverty that are between two and three times higher
than that of non-Hispanic white children (Semega etal. 2020).
In light of the size and growth of the Latino child population and their high
rates of poverty, it is important to better understand the factors—which may dif-
fer from those of other racial and ethnic groups (Gradín 2012)—that are associ-
ated with poverty among Latino families with children and can point to programs
and policies that have the potential to support their economic security and mobil-
ity. The U.S. Latino population is diverse, with wide variation in countries of
heritage, citizenship status, languages spoken, generational status, and geo-
graphic settlement in the United States (Contreras 2002). The association
between these features of Hispanic diversity and poverty, however, likely reflects
differences in access to the labor market and human capital (Landale and Lichter
1997), which, in turn, affects families’ capacity for economic mobility and the
opportunities available to their children. For example, variation in Latino experi-
ences in the United States may be explained, in part, by variation in socioeco-
nomic profiles that could reflect differing political and economic contexts in their
Dana Thomson is a senior research scientist at Child Trends. Her work investigates how early
trauma, adversity, and poverty-associated stressors impact families and the developing minds
of young children to inform the development, implementation, and refinement of programs and
services designed to achieve improved life outcomes for children.
Renee Ryberg is a research scientist at Child Trends. She is trained as a life-course sociologist
and demographer, and she conducts policy- and practice-relevant research to understand how
youth make the transition from adolescence to adulthood to help them flourish as adults. She
examines how pathways to adulthood vary by race/ethnicity.
NOTE: This work was supported, in part, by the National Research Center on Hispanic
Children & Families, which is supported by grant #90PH0028-01-00 from the Office of
Planning, Research and Evaluation, Administration for Children and Families, U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services. Its contents are solely the responsibility of the authors and do
not necessarily represent the official views of the Office of Planning, Research and Evaluation,
Administration for Children and Families, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
The first two authors share equal authorship.

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