Understanding the Criminogenic Properties of Vacant Housing: A Mixed Methods Approach

• Date: 01 May 2019
• Author: Eric Jefferis,Andrew Curtis,Susanne Mitchell,Alaina De Biasi,Lauren C. Porter
• Published date: 01 May 2019
• DOI: 10.1177/0022427818807965
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article

Understanding

the Criminogenic

Properties of Vacant

Housing: A Mixed

Methods Approach

Lauren C. Porter

1

, Alaina De Biasi

2

,

Susanne Mitchell

3

, Andrew Curtis

3

, and Eric Jefferis

3

Abstract

Objectives: Abandoned houses may attract or generate crime; however, little

is known about the nature of this relationship. Our study is aimed at better

understanding this link. Methods: Focusing on a high-crime neighborhood in

Ohio, we use spatial video and calls for service (CFS) to examine how crime

changed on streets where abandoned homes were removed. We also draw

on the insights of 35 ex-offenders, police officers, and residents to examine

how and why abandoned houses are connected to crime in this locale.

Results: On average, streets where abandoned houses were razed

accounted for a lower proportion of neighborhood crime after removal.

Also, a lower proportion of total CFS from these streets related to serious

crime. Our narrative data indicate that abandoned houses are opportunistic

1

Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of Maryland, College Park,

MD, USA

2

Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA

3

Kent State University, Kent, OH, USA

Corresponding Author:

Lauren C. Porter, Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, University of Maryland,

2220G LeFrak Hall, College Park, MD 20742, USA.

Email: lporter1@umd.edu

Journal of Research in Crime and

Delinquency

2019, Vol. 56(3) 378-411

ªThe Author(s) 2018

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DOI: 10.1177/0022427818807965

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because they provide cover, unoccupied spaces, and are easy targets.

Conclusions: The removal of abandoned housing was associated with positive

changes in crime overall; however, our approach revealed interesting var-

iation across streets. We surmise that the relevance of a particular aban-

doned house may be contingent on the larger context of that street or

neighborhood. In ord er to understand these dynamics, future re search

should continue to “drill down” into micro-spaces.

Keywords

micro-places, crime pattern theory, abandoned housing, mixed methods,

spatial criminology

Interest in microgeographic variations in crime is growing in criminology,

with numerous studies identifying crime “hot spots” and examining the

efficacy of interventions in these spaces (Braga, Papachristos, and Hureau

2014; Sherman, Gartin, and Buerger 1989; Weisburd 2015; Weisburd,

Groff, and Yang 2012; Weisburd et al. 2004). Yet little research has been

aimed at understanding the sources of this microgeographic variation. In

particular, aspects of the built environment may be important to consider,

given that the appearance or presence of certain structures may shape crim-

inal opportunity and perceptions of neighborhood investment (Weisburd

et al. 2012). One aspect of the built environment suggested by prior research

is the presence of abandoned housing, which has been associated with crime

at the neighborhood level (Boessen and Chamberlain 2017; Branas, Rubin,

and Guo 2012; Hannon and Cuddy 2006; Cohen et al. 2003) and microgeo-

graphic level (Wheeler, Kim, and Phillips 2018). However, this body of

work remains limited in important respects. For one, most studies are aimed

at the neighborhood level, and these larger units of analysis may obscure

contextual variations across street segments. Moreover, it is at this more

local level where the removal or presence of an abandoned house should be

most relevant. Second, extant research lacks an in-depth or nuanced under-

standing of how or why abandoned housing “matters” with respect to crime.

While these structures may be crime generators or attractors (Brantingham

and Brantingham 1993), they may also lead to crime more indirectly by

signaling neighborhood decline (Skogan 1990; Wilson and Kelling 1982).

Our study builds on prior work using a mixed methods approach to

examine (1) street-level changes in crime after the removal of abandoned

houses and (2) the roles played by abandoned houses in generating or

Porter et al. 379

attracting crime. We focus on a neighborhood we refer to as Hope Gardens,

which was particularly impacted by the “Moving Ohio Forward” Program, a

2013 initiative providing Ohio 95 million dollars to fund the removal of

vacant housing (Western Reserve and Conservancy Thriving Communities

Institute 2015). One of the explicit aims of the demolition program was to

improve crime and safety, since abandoned houses create “a toxic breeding

ground for crime” and are “havens for criminal activity” (Ohio Attorney

General, 2015). Indeed, the removal of vacant homes is a common and

costly strategy employed to reduce crime, making it especially pertinent

to understand this relationship. We “drill down” into the microgeographic

context of housing demolitions in Hope Gardens, drawing on spatial video,

calls for service (CFS), and narrative data. First, we assess whether streets

accounted for a lower percentage of total neighborhood crime after the

removal of abandoned housing. Second, we assess whether the types of

calls coming from those streets changed. Third, we draw on narrative data

with 35 ex-offenders, police, and local residents, who guided us on “ride-

alongs” and provided their perceptions and knowledge on local crime

dynamics, including the role played by vacant houses. In addition to the

practical implications of our study for demolition programs, our study

contributes to theory and research in the areas of crime pattern theory

(Brantingham and Brantingham 1981), brok en windows theory (Skogan

2015; Wilson and Kelling 1982), situational crime prevention (Clarke

1995), and offender decision-making (Wright, Logie, and Decker 1995).

Vacant Housing and Crime

In their formulation of crime pattern theory, Brantingham and Brantingham

(1993) distinguish between crime attractors and generators. While crime

attractors boast crime reputations or present criminal opportunities (e.g.,

items to steal), crime generators draw large amounts of people, some of

whom may be potential offenders or victims (e.g., stadiums). Following this

theoretical reasoning, an abandoned house could a ttract and/or generate

crime. On the one hand, abandoned houses may provide direct, tangible

opportunities for crime. They are less likely than o ther places to “have

effective locks and other security measures” and may “reduce costs of crime

by increasing the supply of easy theft and victimization opportunities”

(MacDonald 2015:359). Skogan (1990) suggests these structures are targets

for vandalism and the stripping of copper. Further, Spelman (1993) finds

that 83 percent of abandoned buildings in a neighborhood showed evidence

of use for various types of crime, including prostitution and drug dealing,

380 Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 56(3)