Under the quasi‐judicial state: H‐1B employment rights in an era of judicial retrenchment

Published date01 January 2023
AuthorGabrielle Clark
Date01 January 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/lapo.12213
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Under the quasi-judicial state: H-1B employment
rights in an era of judicial retrenchment
Gabrielle Clark
Department of Political Science, California
State University, Los Angeles,
California, USA
Correspondence
Gabrielle Clark, Department of Political
Science, California State University, Los
Angeles 5151 State University Dr. Los Angeles
CA, 90032-8226, USA.
Email: gclark@calstatela.edu
Funding information
National Science Foundation, Grant/Award
Number: SES 1024142
Abstract
Foreign workers holding H-1B visas gained recourse to
federal employment rights under the Immigration &
Nationality Act (INA) for the very first time when
Congress passed the Immigration Act of 1990
(IMMACT90). This paper examines H-1B employment
rights enforcement under the INA as it has intersected
with broader features of the American legal system:
what political scientists call judicial retrenchment and
the quasi-judicial state. I first show how H-1B rights,
already limited by the domestic politics that shaped the
IMMACT, became subject to judicial retrenchment
when the federal courts confined H-1B disputes under
the INA to the quasi-judicial state at the Department of
Labor (DOL). I then use published data on DOL inves-
tigation outcomes, published and unpublished adminis-
trative case records, and judicial casesreviewing agency
action to examine the extent to which and how H-1B
workers can use the quasi-judicial stateto solve work-
place problems. My empirical findings contribute to a
new understanding of the relationship between rights
retrenchment, the judiciary, and the rise of alternatives
to court in immigration and employment law and point
to possible fine-grained changes for future immigration
reform.
In 2006, an H-1B worker, Raghu Shashank Arramreddy, filed a complaint against his
employer, the labor supply firm IK Solutions Inc., with the Wage and Hour Division (WHD)
in the Department of Labor (DOL). He claimed that the information technology labor supplier
owed him over $20,000 for 5 months he spent benchedin the United States without work.
DOI: 10.1111/lapo.12213
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs License, which permits
use and distribution in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or
adaptations are made.
©2023 The Author. Law & Policy published by University of Denver and Wiley Periodicals LLC.
Law & Policy. 2023;45:81106. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/lapo 81
After investigation, the agency awarded Arramreddy only $3200.00 in unpaid wages. Hoping
to receive the full $20,000, Arramreddy proceeded to request a hearing at the Office of Adminis-
trative Law Judges (OALJ), the administrative trial court at the DOL.
Arramreddy lost his case, despite regulations under the Immigration and Nationality Act
(INA) that require employers to pay H-1Bs continuously, even in the absence of work (20 CFR
§655, Subpart H). The OALJ judge hearing the dispute accepted the labor supply firms argu-
ment: in order for time spent in the United States to count as remunerable, a worker must show
up every day in the office, regardless of the availability of work. Arramreddy had failed to do
this (Raghu Shashank Arramreddy v. IK Solutions, 2006). Arramreddys case outcome was thus
determined by the fact that the judge interpreted the INA in light of a company policy. Ulti-
mately, Arramreddy could have appealed his case to the Administrative Review Board (ARB)
in the DOL and, subsequently, to a federal district court; however, he did not press his claim
beyond the parameters of the DOLs quasi-judicial state.
1
Since 1990, millions of foreign temporary migrants holding H-1B visas, such as
Arramreddys, have worked for American businesses in the knowledge economy. Each visa is
valid for 3 years and is renewable for six (8 CFR §214.2, Subpart H). In 1976, only 72,000 H-
1Bs worked in the United States (Lowell, 2000). By 2000, US firms employed over 425,000 H-
1B visa holders in sectors, such as information technology, healthcare, and education each year.
In 2009, the number rose to 651,500 (North, 2011). Despite President Donald Trumps efforts
to restrict the entry of H-1B workers under the 2017 Buy American and Hire American Execu-
tive Order (EO), a least 583,420 H-1Bs continued to work in the knowledge economy in 2019
(North, 2020).
2
The growth of a professional migrant labor force in the United States has generated great
political controversy over the past decades. American citizens have argued that businesses only
use H-1Bs to easily hire, control, and terminate workers at will in a knowledge economy
already made precarious by outsourcing, subcontracting, and the rise of labor supply firms like
IK Solutions, Inc. H-1B workers are uncharacteristically vulnerable to employer control when
compared to American citizens and permanent labor migrants. For example, an H-1B visa is
employer-specific and an H-1B workeronly has 60 days after job terminationto exit the coun-
try if they do not find another position or change their visa status (8 CFR §214.1, Subpart L).
Otherwise, they become subject to deportation. H-1B workers are also flexible, cheap, and
racialized. Labor subcontractors and suppliers are the top users of the H-1B visa; while over
80% of H-1B workers come from India and China (US Congress, 2016; USCIS, 2020). The
pushback against admitting vulnerable foreign workers in an era of declining labor standards
has been loud, both on the left and the right (Costa, 2015; Malkin & Miano, 2015).
Arramreddys case against IK Solutions, Inc. illustrates that H-1B workers have also fought
back against businesses and the labor supply firms serving them. Indeed, his case is one of thou-
sands H-1B workers have filed with the DOL since Congress established statutory employment
rights and federal agency jurisdiction over the visa program under the Immigration Act of 1990
(IMMACT90). H-1B workers have also tried to use the 1990 rights to bypass the administrative
framework under the DOL and to bring claims of poor wages and working conditions directly
into federal courts. However, federal courts have denied H-1Bs standing to be in court under
the INA and confined the migrants to the DOLs quasi-judicial state because they are shaped
by what political scientists call the logic of judicial retrenchment. Judicial retrenchment refers
to the process by which the judiciary has put limits on plaintiffsability to enforce statutory
rights in federal court and directed rights claims into alternative venues since the 1980s
(Burbank & Farhang, 2017; Staszak, 2016).
Despite a growing literature on professional temporary labor migration and the H-1B pro-
gram, there is limited research empirically analyzing the employment rights of migrants holding
temporary visas, such as the H-1B. Similarly, scholars have not addressed the ways in which
general characteristics of the American legal systemsuch as judicial retrenchment and the
82 UNDER THE QUASI-JUDICIAL STATE

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