U.S. presidential cycles and the foreign exchange market

Published date01 October 2019
Date01 October 2019
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1002/rfe.1061
AuthorSalil K. Sarkar,Samar Ashour,David A. Rakowski
Rev Financ Econ. 2019;37:523–540. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/rfe
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523
© 2019 University of New Orleans
The policy for my administration is for there to be a strong US dollar…
‐President George W. Bush
(Bloomberg News, 2003)
I believe deeply that it's very important to the United States, to the economic health of the United States, that we main-
tain a strong dollar
‐US Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner
(Bloomberg News, 2009)
Since Robert Rubin's time as Treasury secretary under Bill Clinton, every administration had insisted that a strong
dollar is in U.S. interests.
‐The Wall Street Journal (Mackintosh, 2017)
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INTRODUCTION
For decades, US presidents of both parties have supported the policy of a strong US dollar. The purpose of this study is to evalu-
ate how political events affect the foreign exchange market by focusing on the impact of presidential cycles in the United States
(US), an issue that has been largely overlooked in previous studies. Understanding the potential link between currency markets
and presidential political affiliation is important because the president's political affiliation provides investors with information
about the administration's future economic policies. We show that there exist strong, robust, and meaningful differences in
returns to the US dollar between Democratic and Republican presidencies.
The two major political parties in the United States – Democratic and Republican – are perceived to follow different eco-
nomic policies. Indeed, many previous studies found that Democratic presidencies are associated with expansionist economic
Received: 25 May 2018
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Revised: 12 September 2018
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Accepted: 2 January 2019
DOI: 10.1002/rfe.1061
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
U.S. presidential cycles and the foreign exchange market
SamarAshour1,2
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David A.Rakowski3
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Salil K.Sarkar3
1Sam M Walton College of
Business,University of Arkansas,
Fayetteville, Arkansas
2College of Business,Tanta University,
Tanta, Egypt
3Department of Finance and Real
Estate,University of Texas at Arlington,
Arlington, Texas
Correspondence
David A. Rakowski, Finance & Real
Estate Department,UTA, PO Box
19449,Arlington, TX, 76019, USA.
Email: rakowski@uta.edu
Abstract
We examine the association between the foreign exchange rate of the US dollar and
US presidential cycles. Results show that Republican presidencies tend to start with
a strong dollar, which then depreciates over the course of the presidency. In con-
trast, Democratic presidencies tend to begin with a weak dollar that then appreciates.
These patterns result in an apparent presidential effect in US foreign exchange rates,
the direction of which depends on whether exchange rates are measured by levels or
by returns.
KEYWORDS
foreign exchange markets, politics and finance, presidential cycles, US dollar
JEL CLASSIFICATION
F310; F400; G150; G180; E650; P480
524
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ASHOUR etAl.
policies (Alesina, Roubini, & Cohen, 1997; Hibbs, 1986). Hibbs (1986) argues that Republican administrations prefer to adopt
tighter monetary policies than their Democratic counterparts. Tighter monetary policies (i.e., austerity) should be associated
with lower short‐term economic growth, decreasing inflation rates, increasing interest rates, and an appreciation of the US
dollar. On the other hand, the looser (i.e., expansionary) monetary policies perceived to accompany Democratic administra-
tions should be associated with declining interest rates, increasing inflation rates, decreasing unemployment, higher short‐term
economic growth, and a depreciating US dollar. We recognize that political parties’ stances on monetary policy are necessarily
vague, subjective, and evolve over time. We, therefore, take an agnostic approach with regards to party dogma and examine the
extent to which the perspectives presented in the academic literature above are empirically valid with regard to the value of the
US dollar.
Using data from 1957 to 2016 for the US dollar against several major foreign currencies and from 1973 to 2016 for two real
trade‐weighted indices of the value of the US dollar, we find that there is a significant association between the political party
of the US president and the strength of the US dollar. Returns to real trade‐weighted US dollar indices (relative both to a broad
basket of currencies and against only major currencies) are negatively associated with Republican administrations, especially
after correcting for other macroeconomic variables. These findings are similar to what Santa‐Clara and Valkanov (2003), here-
after referred to as SCV, report for US stock returns, but is in contrast to what would be expected from the reasoning of Hibbs
(1986). The depreciation of the US dollar during Republican administrations is strongest relative to the Canadian dollar.
An analysis of the time‐trend of US dollar values over the course of a presidential term indicates that the US dollar tends
to start at a high value for Republican presidents and then depreciates, while the opposite pattern is true for Democrats. These
findings hold for 4‐year presidential terms, entire presidencies, or for contiguous periods when a party holds the presidency.
During Republican presidencies, we document a significant negative time‐trend for the US dollar against the Euro, Australian
dollar, Swedish krona, and Canadian dollar. Democratic presidencies are more mixed, with indications of a significant appre-
ciation of the US dollar against the Euro, Japanese yen, Canadian dollar, and Swiss franc. We thereby extend the analysis of
Kraussl, Lucas, Rijsbergen, van der Sluis, and Vrugt (2014) (hereafter, KLRSV) to consider the course of US dollar exchange
rates over the course of a US presidency. Overall, our results provide a consistent extension and intuitive link between the find-
ings of SCV for the stock market and of Blinder and Watson (2016) for the overall economy.
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LITERATURE REVIEW
The possibility for US dollar exchange rates to be associated with the political affiliation of the US president follows from
a lengthy stream of research on the links between US political cycles and the values of both macro‐economic and financial
variables. Turning first to financial markets, several studies associate US political cycles with stock returns. Niederhoffer,
Gibbs, and Bullock (1970) found that there is no significant difference in stock returns between Democratic and Republican
presidencies, with the exception that Democratic presidencies were associated with higher stock returns in the third year of
the presidency. Herbst and Slinkman (1984) used data from 1962 to 1977 and found that there was a significant association
between 48‐month presidential terms and the stock market cycle. KLRSV also found evidence of patterns in both stock and
credit markets over the course of a presidential term, especially during Democratic presidencies. Hensel and Ziemba (1995)
and Johnson, Chittenden, and Jensen (1999) report that there is a statistically significant difference between Democrats and
Republicans for small stocks. Sabherwal, Sarkar, and Uddin (2017) show that the returns to sin stocks (i.e., those industries that
are supposedly associated with unethical or immoral activities) are systematically associated with US political cycles. Li and
Born (2006) use uncertainty associated with the 2000 US presidential election to provide evidence that the US stock market
is affected by political uncertainty, while Kelly, Pástor, and Veronesi (2016) provide similar evidence from option markets.
SCV provide the most comprehensive study of the association between the US president's political party and the stock
market. They find that Democratic presidential administrations are associated with higher stock market returns than their
Republican counterparts, even after controlling for firm size and business‐cycle variables. The findings of SCV are extended by
Sy and Zaman (2011), who investigate whether risk can explain the difference in market performance between Republicans and
Democrats using conditional multi‐factor asset‐pricing models in which systematic risk can vary across political cycles. They
show that systematic risk varies across political cycles and, consequently, the market risk premium and expected stock returns
are higher under Democratic presidencies. Powell, Shi, Smith, and Whaley (2007) refine the estimation methodology of SCV
to correct for persistence in the explanatory variables used to identify presidential party affiliation. Together, existing studies
in financial variables and US political cycles provide several pathways by which US presidential affiliations may be associated
with demand by investors for US dollar denominated financial assets. Whether this demand translates into actual price pressure
on the US dollar relative to other currencies is one of the empirical questions that we seek to answer.

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