Trust the Party Line

Published date01 November 2006
DOI10.1177/1532673X06290906
AuthorDavid B. Holian
Date01 November 2006
Subject MatterArticles
American Politics Research
Volume 34 Number 6
November 2006 777-802
© 2006 Sage Publications
10.1177/1532673X06290906
http://apr.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com
777
Trust the Party Line
Issue Ownership and Presidential
Approval From Reagan to Clinton
David B. Holian
University of North Carolina at Greensboro
This study incorporates the issue-ownership concept into the aggregate presi-
dential approval literature. A content analysis of media coverage from the
Reagan through Clinton administrations of four party-owned issues—Social
Security or Medicare, environmental protection, national defense, and size of
government—demonstrates that when the agenda is dominated by issues on
which the president’s party enjoys credibility, approval increases, controlling for
the typical economic and event variables. Similarly, increased coverage of issues
owned by the opposition party leads to decreased approval, all things equal.
Thus, when the media primes a party-owned issue, the public responds by eval-
uating the president consistent with his credibility on the issue. These relation-
ships are robust across the typical functional forms used to model approval.
Keywords: presidential approval; issue ownership; priming; media coverage
Interested observers of American politics have long been concerned with the
constitutional underpinnings, general nature, and specific applications of
presidential power. Richard Neustadt’s (1960) work remains the seminal state-
ment regarding the president’s position in the political environment. Neustadt
claimed that one way in which the American chief executive could overcome
limited constitutional powers was by drawing on public popularity as a resource
to advance his policy agenda. To Washington elites in the Congress and the
bureaucracy, the president’s ability to get things accomplished would rise and
fall with his personal prestige, which in large measure his public standing
helped determine.
Author’s note: Many thanks to Gerald Wright, Pat Sellers, Michael Wolf, and the three anony-
mous reviewers for their helpful comments on various incarnations of this manuscript. Thanks
also to Alicia Hilton and Jennifer Lusc for their research assistance. Any mistakes,of course, are
the author's. This research was supported in part by a Summer Excellence grant from the
University of North Carolina at Greensboro.
778 American Politics Research
But what is at the heart of public approval? Scholars have demonstrated
that economic performance, dramatic events, and national addresses are all
important, to varying degrees, in determining attitudes regarding the presi-
dent’s job performance. Yet the unfortunate implication of the aggregate-
level approval literature, much of which focuses entirely on the economy
and events, is that the president serves out the term as a captive of the office,
largely dependent on forces outside his control, that move his public stand-
ing. Economic and world events that affect approval ratings, such as the
business cycle, oil shocks, or acts of foreign or domestic terrorism, buffet
the president who then must react to these phenomena. Clearly, economic
forces, over which presidents exert relatively little short-term control, and
unexpected, dramatic events play large and important roles in determining
the president’s public standing at any given time. Thus, presidents may well
be political actors whose fortunes ultimately depend on a good economy or
a bad war.
In the tradition of studies that have examined the importance of the issue
agenda to approval, this article incorporates media coverage of key issues
into the conventional approval model in a straightforward,theoretically rea-
sonable manner. Brody (1991) argues that a complete account of presiden-
tial approval must somehow more fully incorporate media coverage.
Krosnick and Kinder (1990) demonstrate that as the news varies over time,
the public alters its evaluation of the president consistent with the change
in coverage. This study attempts to incorporate media coverage of party-
owned issues into the conventional approval model to suggest that the
media prime the public to evaluate the president positively or negatively,
depending on whether the president or his party enjoy credibility on the
primed issue. In other words, when the media focus on certain key issues
owned by Democrats or Republicans, the public response is to evaluate the
president in light of these issues, all things equal.
The article proceeds in the following manner. The next section discusses
literature pertaining to presidential approval and issue ownership. The third
section covers the operationalization of the variables in this analysis,
including measures of the issue agenda, which are based on a content
analysis spanning 20 years. The fourth section presents and discusses the
findings generated from the conventional approval model, which I estimate
in various ways. The article concludes with a discussion of the research’s
implications.

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