Transition From the Military Into Civilian Life

AuthorLauren Godier,Matt Fossey,Nick Caddick,Alex Cooper,Linda Cooper
DOI10.1177/0095327X16675965
Published date01 January 2018
Date01 January 2018
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Transition From the
Military Into Civilian
Life: An Exploration of
Cultural Competence
Linda Cooper
1
, Nick Caddick
1
, Lauren Godier
1
,
Alex Cooper
1
and Matt Fossey
1
Abstract
In this article, we employ the theoretical framework and concepts of Pierre Bour-
dieu to examine the notion of ‘‘transition’’ from military to civilian life for U.K.
Armed Forces personnel. We put Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus,capital, and field to
work in highlighting key differences between military and civilian life. The use of
social theory allows us to describe the cultural legacy of military life and how this
may influence the posttransition course of veterans’ lives. There may be positive and
negative transition outcomes for service personnel when moving into civilian life,
and by applying Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts, we explain how such outcomes can
be understood. We suggest that the ‘‘rules’’ are different in military environments
compared to civilian ones and that service personnel must navigate a complex
cultural transition when moving between environments. There are numerous and
significant implications—including policy applications—from understanding transi-
tion through a Bourdieusian lens, and these are highlighted throughout.
Keywords
Bourdieu, civilian, veteran, transition, identity, habitus
1
Veterans and Families Institute, Anglia Ruskin University, Chelmsford, United Kingdom
Corresponding Author:
Linda Cooper, Veterans and Families Institute, Anglia Ruskin University, Chelmsford Campus, Bishop Hall
Lane, Chelmsford CM1 1SQ, United Kingdom.
Email: linda.cooper@anglia.ac.uk
Armed Forces & Society
2018, Vol. 44(1) 156-177
ªThe Author(s) 2016
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/0095327X16675965
journals.sagepub.com/home/afs
There is a great deal of current political, social, and academic interest in the notion of
transition from the military to civilian life.
1,2
Transition has been defined as the
period of reintegration into civilian life from the military and encapsulates the
process of change that a service per son necessarily undertakes whe n her or his
military career comes to an end (Forces in Mind Trust [FiMT], 2013).
3
The pro-
cesses to facilitate transition are set out in detail by the Ministry of Defence (MoD;
2015), and the concept of military to civilian transition (MCT) is internationally
recognized (Castro, Kintzle, & Hassan, 2014). It is commonly asserted in the liter-
ature on military veterans that the majority make a smooth transition into civilian
life, but that a substantial minority go on to experience difficulties in such areas as
finding suitable employment, maintaining good mental health, homelessness, exces-
sive alcohol use, and crime.
4
Accordingly, finding appropriate ways to support
service personnel in making successful transitions to civilian life is viewed widely
as a priority for public policy and research.
Notwithstanding the importance of studying transition across national contexts,
this article uses U.K. sources of data, and U.K. terminology will be used through-
out.
5
While the U.K. military is overwhelmingly White, male, and young, the
veteran community is a heterogeneous group. In the 12 months prior to April
2016, 16,540 personnel (or 8.4%of the full strength) left the U.K. military (MoD,
2016). The most up-to-date figures from the Royal British Legion Household Survey
(2014) estimate that 4.4%of the U.K. population (2.83 m) are veterans. A further
3.2%are dependent adults (2.09 m) and 1.5%are dependent children (0.99 m). In
total, it is estimated that 9.2%of the U.K. population (5.91 m) are part of the veteran
community. These figures reflect an ag ing population, with 46%of the veteran
community over 75 years of age. Further, the extent to which U.K. veterans exist
as a ‘‘community’’ (e.g., in terms of coordinated social networks, advocacy, and a
public visibility) is unclear, given that accurate information on veterans, their health
and associated needs, and whether or not they differ from local communities is
sparse (Ashcroft, 2014). Compounding this lack of information, the self-identity
of ex-service personnel varies considerably, and so many do not even see themselves
as ‘‘veterans,’’ often due to multiple interpretations of the term, from World War II
veterans, to the present day U.K. government’s definition of having to serve at least
1 day in uniform (Ashcroft, 2014; Burdett et al., 2012).
The processes and experiences of transition for Armed Forces veterans are not
well understood, and research is only beginning to unpack associated issues. One
aspect of transition that has been relatively undertheorized is the influence of
military culture and what happens when an individual immersed in this culture
leaves it and returns to an environment that was previously familiar but may no
longer be so. Following World War II, Schutz (1945) evoked this tension in ‘‘The
Homecomer,’’ describing the emotions of being ‘‘in the wilderness’’ when returning
to what should be intimate and familiar, yet now appears strange and different. More
recently, Bergman, Burdett, and Greenberg (2014) pointed toward this tension by
employing a model of ‘‘reverse culture shock’’ to describe the unexpected
Cooper et al. 157

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