Is it Time to Re‐regulate the Airline Industry?

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1982.tb00043.x
Date01 December 1982
AuthorAlfred E. Kahn
Published date01 December 1982
Is
it Time to Re-regulate
the Airline Industry?
Alfred
E.
Kahn
HE MOST
dramatic change
in
the fortunes of the civil aviation in-
dustry in the United States since de-regulation has obviously been the
enormous financial losses that many of its most prominent members have
suffered in the last couple of years.' After record operating profits in 1978
and more modest ones in 1979, the trunk carriers suffered operating losses
of
$230
million in 1980 and $544 million in 1981; and the end
is
not yet in
sight. In considerable measure, it is less widely understood, the heavy losses
recently suffered by the trunk carriers were the counterpart
of
continued,
and in some cases increased, prosperity in the rest
of
the industry: the
(misnamed) local service carriers as a group earned operating profits
of
$160
million in 1980 and $177 million in 1981; and the commuter carriers
have continued to grow rapidly in both numbers and market share.
Do these distressing losses experienced by the civil aviation industry in
the aggregate prove, as the proponents of regulation have contended, that
competition among airlines tends inevitably
to
be destructive? It seems
unarguable that the preponderant causes
of
the recent deterioration in the
industry's financial fortunes have been the doubling of fuel prices and the
recession. The major companies suffered similar losses the last time these
two events occurred, in 1974-75, when regulation was at its tightest
-
when
for almost six years the
Civil
Aeronautics Board
(CAB)
had refused, as a
matter
of
policy,
to
hear a single application
for
altered route authority.
Indeed, during the first half
of
the 1970s, a period that contained both good
and bad years, the trunk carriers earned on average only
3
per cent on equity.
Moreover, in appraising the feasibility of competition, the profitable years
1978 and 1979 cannot be ignored. Although the Airline Deregulation Act
ALFRED
E.
KAHN: Robert Julius Thorne Professor of Economics, Cornell University,
Ithaca, United States of America, since 1966, and Special Consultant, National Economic
Research Associates, New
York;
previously Adviser to the President on Inflation, and Chair-
man
of
the Council on Wage and Price Stability, 1978-80, having been Chairman
of
the Civil
Aeronautics Board, Washington, 1977-78; author
of
The
Economics
of
Regulation,
in
two
volumes (1970 and 1971).
341
342
ALFRED E. KAHN
was passed only in late October 1978, de-regulation cannot be said
to
have
sprung full-blown from the brow
of
Jimmy Carter, Senators Howard
Cannon and Edward Kennedy or myself on that date. In 1976 and 1977,
under the chairmanship of John Robson, the CAB
took
some major steps
towards removing the shackles on competition. The most notable of these
was its liberalisation
of
charter rules and, as a logical counterpart, its
approval of the scheduled carriers’ competitive response, namely the Super-
Saver, which taken together had a dramatic effect. The CAB let in Freddy
Laker’s Skytrain in June 1977 and within a few months there were Super
APEX, Budget and stand-by fares widely available over the North Atlantic
and many systems of discounting throughout the United States. The sharply
intensified competition
in
1977 and 1978 was obviously, at the very least, not
incompatible with very satisfactory profits.
The deteriorating financial results
of
1979 and 1980 may in some measure
have been the consequence
of
regulation, not de-regulation. Some carriers
complained that the
CAB
was slow in permitting them
to
raise their rates in
step with the sharp increases in fuel prices
in
this period. It appears, how-
ever, that regulatory lag made only a comparatively small contribution
to
the drop in their earnings.2
At
the same time, de-regulation must accept substantial responsibility for
the problems as well as the benefits of intensified competition.
First, de-regulation permitted the local service carriers to extend their
operations into the longer hauls, taking business away from the trunk car-
riers to whom they had, previously, dutifully delivered their traffic at the
intermediate points. In doing
so,
the local service carriers contributed to
excess capacity on the long hauls, the principal breeder
of
price wars.
Secondly, de-regulation permitted the mutual interpenetration of markets
by the trunk carriers themselves, a leading incident
of
which was the entry
of
Eastern Airlines, hitherto largely confined to north-south operations, into
the trans-continental routes
~
-
a more important factor,
I
suspect, than
World Airways
or
Capitol in precipitating the price wars that have contin-
ued
to
plague that market.
Thirdly, de-regulation allowed the entry of new and very low-cost price-
cutting competitors like
Air
Florida, World and Capitol, on the long hauls,
and Midway Airlines, People Express and New York Air, on the somewhat
shorter routes.
Fourthly, it was the removal
of
the CAB’S restraining hand that made
possible the chronic price wars that have been experienced, particularly on
the long hauls, under the pressure
of
excess wide-bodied jet capacity, but
also in highly selective responses
to
the new entrants on the intermediate-
length hauls.

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