A Thermostatic Model of Congressional Elections

Published date01 July 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X241253813
AuthorMatt Grossmann,Christopher Wlezien
Date01 July 2024
Article
American Politics Research
2024, Vol. 52(4) 355366
© The Author(s) 2024
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/1532673X241253813
journals.sagepub.com/home/apr
A Thermostatic Model of Congressional
Elections
Matt Grossmann
1
and Christopher Wlezien
2
Abstract
Are policymakers rewarded in elections when they succeed in moving public policy in their ideological direction? Or do they
face a thermostatic backlash, as citizens judge their policy moves as too hot or too cold? Our analysis of Congressional elect ion
outcomes since 1948 adds information on Congressional policy actions to traditional election models emphasizing the surge and
decline of presidential support and referendums based on presidential approval and theeconomy. We nd that the electorate
reacts to the ideological direction of policy, voting against parties that push policy further to the left or the right in both midterm
and presidential years. Even after accounting for policy and traditional explanations, however, there remains a large midterm
penalty for the presidents party.
Keywords
policy, major laws, coattails, balancing, midterm loss, backlash
Politicians seek to move policy in their preferred ideological
direction and believe that elections give them a mandate to
govern (Azari, 2014). But that hardly means voters will re-
ward them. Consider research showing that public support for
policy change moves thermostaticallyagainst the direction
of policymaking, shifting leftward under Republican presi-
dents making conservative policy moves and rightward under
Democratic presidents making liberal policy moves (Erikson,
et al., 2002;Wlezien, 1995,2017). These shifts lead voters to
turn against the party of ambitious presidents that overshoot
public demand for policy change (Erikson, et al., 2002;
Wlezien, 2017). In presidential elections, the further policy
moves rightward or leftward, the more relative preferences
move in the opposite direction and the worse the candidate of
the incumbent party does (also see Bolstad, 2012), explaining
about half of the cost of ruling effect (Wlezien, 2017).
Policymaking may have similar consequences for Con-
gressional elections. Public judgments of Congress respond
to congressional lawmaking, as voters use policy output to
judge the ideological distance between themselves and
Congress (Algara, 2021). Voters tend to move against major
laws passed by Congress as they learn about details (and
inghting) from media coverage (Atkinson, 2017). Major
electoral losses for the majority party in Congress, such as in
the 2010 election, are the product of voters punishing leg-
islators for supporting policies that demonstrate they are
ideologically distant from voters (Nyhan et al., 2012). All of
these ndings suggest that parties may suffer from moving
policy too far in their preferred direction. State-level evidence
also nds that voters counterbalance parties that succeed in
legislating major policy victories (Pacheco, 2013).
Despite these ndings, research on Congressional elec-
tions has yet to investigate whether aggregate results reect
the policies enacted by each Congress. The literature has
found many other factors that may inuence Congressional
elections, including the approval of the president and the state
of the economy. But the most consistent nding is that these
factors do not explain midterm loss. In midterm elections,
presidentsparties lose seats and votes, even more on average
than they gain when voters surge toward their party in the
previous presidential election. Yet policy shifts may help
account for some of the midterm loss, as voters swing against
presidents and allied Congresses moving policy in their
ideological direction. Research nds that voters out of step
with the policy direction under a president seek to balance the
presidents party and to voice opposition in midterm elections
in the hopes that the president will respond by moderating
1
Department of Political Science, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI,
USA
2
Department of Political Science, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX,
USA
Corresponding Author:
Matt Grossmann, Department of Political Science, Michigan State University,
303 S. Kedzie Hall, East Lansing, MI 48824, USA.
Email: matt@mattg.org

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