The United States and Latin America: individuals and institutions.

• Author: McNamara, Thomas E.

[A condensed version of this essay was givenas alecture at Virginia Commonwealth University, March 5, 2014.]

INTRODUCTION

Twenty-five years ago a journalist, Alan Riding, wrote "Distant Neighbors," an excellent book about Mexican-U.S. relations. It is still a valuable study of 1980s Mexico. Modern communications, increased migration, trade and industrial integration, and technological advances have reduced the distance dramatically. Although not as distant today, we still do not understand each other as well as we should. This hemisphere is our neighborhood, and unlike citizens, who move from neighborhood to neighborhood, a nation's neighborhood is fixed, permanently. I want to highlight an important post-Cold War impetus for change in our neighborhood, which can reduce the distance even more, if we recognize and encourage it.

TWO PATHS

There are two paths in Lain American politics, which are not evident to most Americans. One path relies on personalism (personalismo) i.e. individual leaders, to maintain political order. The second relies on democratic institutionalism (institutionalismo democratico) i.e. civil institutions, as the foundation of political order. Every nation in the hemisphere, including the U.S., will be affected by which of these two paths dominates the future. These two paths do not explain all of Latin politics or our regional relations. History is much more complicated. But, the struggle between democracy and dictatorship has been fundamental in Latin America for 200 years, and must be understood before "Distant Neighbors" can become closer.

"PERSONALISMO" AND "CAUDILLISMO" IN LATIN AMERICA

Personalismo, and its variant, caudillismo, are deeply rooted in Latin American, Spanish, and Portuguese history, and have dominated Latin American politics since the conquistadors (Cortez, Pissarro, etc.) and colonial rule. It was the entrenched political culture during the independence struggles with Bolivar, San Martin, O'Higgins, and others. Yet, the phenomenon is not unique to Latin America.

Elsewhere, personalismo is identified by "the cult of personality," dictators, or autocrats (e.g. Stalin, Hitler and lesser examples like Mobutu, Qaddafi, and Sukarno). In ages past it was manifest in "the divine right of kings," and in imperial rulers. Personalismo probably originated in prehistory, maybe as far back as the original "alpha-male." But, in modern industrial democracy, it is a plague on society.

It elevates one individual, a caudillo (leader), to supreme leadership, often with demi-god status. His words and actions are accepted totally. Policies, programs and ideologies are created (Peronismo, Fidelismo, Sandinismo). In the personalismo culture, the glorified, charismatic leader turns institutions into personal tools of power. Any that resist are subverted or destroyed--except a few, kept as control mechanisms.

Besides neutered institutions, corruption is endemic, beginning with corruption of the law. The rule of law cannot exist without strong, independent political, judicial, and social institutions because the law is never self- implementing. It requires agents to make, interpret and execute it. In successful modern societies, separate civil institutions perform the three functions. Dictators, however, usurp all three functions. The corruption continues until the caudillo is above the law.

Caudillos come in all shapes, sizes, and flavors. They are tactically smart, superficial thinkers, who borrow ideologies that reflect the temper of their times. Early in the 20th century, they adopted national-socialist, "right- of-center" ideologies (Peron, Trujillo, Somoza, Batista). With fascism discredited, later caudillos moved leftward and embraced Marxism (Castro, Ortega, Chavez, Morales; Pinochet is the exception). Caudillos practice populism and repression, no matter where on the spectrum they are. Most are initially elected, but as their popularity weakens, brute force predominates, until the next caudillo cycle. Peaceful transitions are possible, but unusual.

Believe it or not, a century ago Argentina was considered THE rising power of the hemisphere. But, personalismo has so dominated Argentine politics that institutions have never grown strong enough to stabilize and modernize the nation. "Peronismo" has been a populist political force in Argentina for 70 years; yet Peron has been dead for over 40 years. Successive Peronist leaders freely redefine Peronismo to suit their needs and the party dutifully follows.

"Bolivarianismo" espoused by Hugo Chavez and others, is named for a caudillo who has been dead almost 200 years. Imagine a U.S. president governing on a political platform of "George Washington-ism." Chavez wrapped himself in reflected...