The Uncivil Latina

• Date: 01 April 2017
• DOI: 10.1177/2153368717690790
• Author: Jesenia M. Pizarro
• Published date: 01 April 2017
• Subject Matter: Articles

Article
Race and Justice
2017, Vol. 7(2) 160-178
The Uncivil Latina
ª The Author(s) 2017
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DOI: 10.1177/2153368717690790
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Jesenia M. Pizarro1
Abstract
This article centers on the institutional barriers Latinas face in their professional
development. An autoethnographic approach is employed to explore common
themes faced by Latinas that hinder their success via the lens of culture conflict theory.
This study specifically focus on issues related to interactions with students, margin-
alization, and institutional racism. A set of individual and institutional-level recom-
mendations that may serve to alleviate the challenges facing Latinas, and faculty of
color in general, are discussed.
Keywords
Latino/Hispanic Americans, race/ethnicity, faculty of color, bias, marginalization,
culture conflict
Despite the growing prominence of Latinos in the population, they remain under-
represented in the country’s higher education system. The National Center for Edu-
cation Statistics (NCES, 2015) reports that Latinos comprise only 4% of the nation’s
full-time faculty in degree granting universities and colleges. When disaggregated by
gender, Latinas represented a mere 2% of the total faculty nationwide (NCES, 2015).
The representation of Latinas in criminal justice and criminology programs is even
lower, given that Latinos (both male and female) comprise only approximately 2.7%
of full-time faculty (Association of Doctoral Programs in Criminology and Criminal
Justice, 2016). While there are several potential reasons for their underrepresentation
in academia (e.g., lack of access to adequate educational opportunities, language and
cultural barriers, issues related to family responsibilities, and cultural/gendered
identities), some scholars suggest that institutional racism and marginalization are
also contributors (Gutie´rrez y Muhs, Flores Niemann, Gonza´lez, & Harris, 2012;
Machado-Casas, Cantu´ Ruiz, & Cantu´, 2013; Padilla & Cha´vez, 1995).
1 School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA
Corresponding Author:
Jesenia M. Pizarro, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Arizona State University, 411N. Central
Avenue, Suite 600, Mail Code 4420, Phoenix, AZ 85004, USA.
Email: jesenia.pizarro@asu.edu

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Pizarro
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This article centers on the institutional barriers Latinas face in their professional
development. An autoethnographic approach is employed to explore common themes
faced by Latinas that hinder their success via the lens of culture conflict theory. This
study specifically focus on issues related to interactions with students, margin-
alization, and institutional racism. A set of individual and institutional-level recom-
mendations that may serve to alleviate the challenges facing Latinas, and faculty of
color in general, are discussed.
Current State of Knowledge
While there is a growing body of literature and research examining the lives and
experiences of faculty of color in academia, work specifically on Latinas is relative
sparse, and the examination of Latinas in criminal justice and criminology is non-
existent. Studies that have explored the lives of faculty of color in general suggest that
they often have to navigate hegemonic institutions where they feel stress and pressure
to conform (Gutie´rrez y Muhs et al., 2012; Padilla & Chaa´vez, 1995). Three themes
emerge in the narratives of Latinas—interactions with students, academic margin-
alization, and institutional racism (i.e., unfair and bias treatment by administrator).
Interactions With Students
Studies that have examined the interactions between students and faculty who are part
of gender, racial, and ethnic minorities suggest that gendered racism (i.e., biased
treatment that is based on the faculty’s gender and race/ethnicity) on the part of
students is common in predominantly Caucasian universities (Pittman, 2010; Stanley,
2006; Vargas, 1999). Latinas, and overall faculty of color, are more likely to report
experiencing inappropriate challenges from students. Lazos (2012) suggest that stu-
dents are more likely to challenge their teaching methods and expertise due to ste-
reotypes they may have based on gender, race, and ethnicity. Consequently, Latinas
may feel the need to prove themselves in the classroom or adopt strict authoritative
teaching styles (Harlow, 2003; Lazos, 2012; Smith & Anderson, 2005). This could
serve as a double-edge sword, since signs of aggravation or defensiveness can be
perceived negatively by students and reflect in their course evaluations. As a result,
Latinas and other faculty of color need to practice intensive emotional management
and ensure that they always appear collected, in control, and happy even in the face of
overt gendered racism (Harlow, 2003). Vargas (1999) found in her qualitative study
that even small gestures related to a Latina’s accent and how she carries herself in the
classroom are enough to elicit negative evaluations and resistance from students.
Course evaluations are important since they are often used as the dominant metric
to measure teaching effectiveness in merit and promotion reviews (Agathangelou &
Ling, 2002; Lazos, 2012). A plethora of research has assessed the validity of this
measure, and overall there is conflicting evidence. Some studies suggest that this is a
valid measure, while others question their accuracy (see Uttl, White, & Wong Gon-
zalez, 2016, for review). Unequivocally, however, this body of research suggests that

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Race and Justice 7(2)
relative to Caucasians, Latina professors are often rated more harshly (Agathangelou
& Ling, 2002; Anderson, 2010; Anderson & Smith, 2005; Glascock & Ruggiero,
2006; McGowan, 2000; Smith & Anderson, 2005). When compared to Caucasian
female professors, students are also more likely to write negative comments claiming
they are “tough” and “rude” (Agathangelou & Ling, 2002; Vargas, 1999).
Given the strong institutional reliance on student evaluations, Latinas may be put at
odds with colleagues. Indeed, narratives of Latinas and other ethnic minority female
faculty suggest that they are sometimes reprimanded by senior colleagues who are not
able, or are unwilling, to recognize the unique dynamics and pressures they face in the
classroom or the biased nature of the evaluations (see Agathangelou & Ling, 2002;
Garza, 1993). Qualitative narratives also suggest that colleagues sometimes take the
content of the evaluations to justify and validate their own stereotypes. In doing this,
negative comments gain disproportionate attention while positive reviews are
negated.
Marginalization
The narratives of Latinas are also replete with stories of exclusion by colleagues. The
root of the marginalization experience can be traced back to the academic upbringing
of some of the affected Latinas. Studies in the area suggest that many Latinas in
academia are often the first in their family to enter the academy and, in some cases, are
the first to earn a college degree. Latina faculty are also more likely to come from
working-class families, which lack contact with other academics (Harris-Schenz,
1990). Given Latinas are underrepresented in institutions of higher learning as
faculty, incoming Latina students may also lack sufficient role models. As a result,
Latinas entering the ranks of higher learning may not feel at ease or as comfortable
around the ivory tower when compared to their Anglo peers. This is exacerbated by
having to learn how to excel in academia and navigate the political system on their
own without adequate mentoring.
Studies that have examined the early trajectories of Latinas often report a per-
ception of lack of mentorship and guidance (Garcı´a, 2005; Medina & Luna, 2000).
Lack of mentorship can prevent Latina faculty from developing bonds with senior
colleagues but may also have a more distal effect. It can result in newly minted Latina
faculty never “learning the ropes” or how to effectively navigate the political halls of
academia. As a result, some Latinas may not learn how to react in institutionally
“appropriate” manners when conflicts arise, which in turn, may result in even further
marginalization. Garcı´a (2005) recounts the stories of various Latinas who were
troubled by the lack of mentorship they received both as graduate students and as new
faculty. The women interviewed in her study all shared similar narratives about
feeling socially isolated due to lack of adequate mentoring and how that left them
unprepared for life in academia because they were never properly socialized.
Other qualitative analyses suggest Latinas often feel the pressure to conform to the
institution’s narrative or play the role of “grateful outsider” (Agathangelou & Ling,
2002). Agathangelou and Ling (2002) defined the grateful outsider as a faculty of

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163
color (usually a female) who feels indebted to senior colleagues for their hiring and
accomplishments. As a result, they avoid engaging in actions that would displease
them. Agathangelou and Ling (2002) contend that
faculty of color are allowed in only if “good”. . . . For this reason, the academy gate-
keepers feel an extra sense of indignation, if not outrage, when faculty of color refuse to
play the Grateful Outsider. Those who are willing to take on this role are rewarded amply
in contrast to those who are not. (p. 382)
Segura (2003) goes on to assert that those who do not act accordingly face many
challenges in their academic careers and are sometimes even pushed...