The Supreme Court and Interstate Barriers
Author | Robert H. Jackson |
Published date | 01 January 1940 |
Date | 01 January 1940 |
DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/000271624020700110 |
publishedBy | Sage Publications, Inc. |
70
The
Supreme
Court
and
Interstate
Barriers
By
ROBERT
H.
JACKSON
The
oppressed
and
degraded
state
of
commerce,
previous
to
the
adoption
of
the
constitution,
can
scarcely
be
forgotten....
Those
who
felt
the
injury
arising
from
this
state
of
things,
and
those
who
were
capable
of
estimating
the
in-
fluence
of
commerce
on
the
pros-
perity
of
nations,
perceived
the
necessity
of
giving
control
over
this
important
subject
to
a
single
government.
It
may
be
doubted,
whether
any
of
the
evils
proceed-
ing
from
the
feebleness
of the
federal
government,
contributed
more
to
that
great
revolution
which
introduced
the
present
sys-
tem,
than
the
deep
and
general
conviction,
that
commerce
ought
to
be
regulated
by
congress.’
THE
history
of
the
times
which
im-
mediately
preceded
the
Constitu-
tional
Convention
abundantly
justifies
the
opinion
thus
expressed
by
Chief
Justice
Marshall.
The
Revolutionary
War
was
followed
by
an
economic
break-
down
and
an
accompanying
commercial
war
between
the
states.
Beginning
in
1784
protective
tariffs
were
erected
by
New
England
and
most
of
the
Middle
states.
Connecticut
levied
discrimina-
tory
duties
on
goods
from
Massachu-
setts,
and
Pennsylvania
discriminated
against
Delaware.
Tribute
was
exacted
from
the
coasting
trade,
notably
by
New
York,
through
the
imposition
of
clear-
ance
fees.
Even
market
boats
from
New
Jersey,
carrying
butter
and
cheese
and
garden
vegetables,
were
subject
to
en-
trance
fees
when
rowed
across
from
Paulus
Hook
to
Cortlandt
Street.
Mad-
ison
drew
a
classic
picture
of
&dquo;New
Jer-
sey,
placed
between
Philadelphia
and
New
York,
...
likened
to
a
cask
tapped
at
both
ends;
and
North
Carolina,
be-
tween
Virginia
and
South
Carolina,
to
a
patient
bleeding
at
both
arms.&dquo;
Dis-
crimination
was
followed
by
retaliation,
and
the
meetings
and
resolves
of
embit-
tered
merchants
bore
an
ominous
re-
semblance
to
those
which
in
1775
had
prepared
the
way
for
revolution.2
2
On
the
anvil
of
this
experience
the
Constitutional
Convention
of
1787
ham-
mered
out
one
of
the
great
implements
of
federal
power.3
3
Article
I,
Section
8,
paragraph
3
of
the
Constitution
pro-
vides :
&dquo;The
Congress
shall
have
Power
... to
regulate
Commerce
with
foreign
Nations,
and
among
the
several
States,
and
with
the
Indian
Tribes.&dquo;
DIFFICULTY
IN
APPLICATION
These
concise
words
have
been
a
source
of
almost
continuous
litigation
and
vexation
for
the
Supreme
Court.
The
clause
has
been
the
focus
of
many
of
the
most
important
conflicts
between
federal
power and
states’
rights.
It
forms
the
warp
into
which
theoreticians
have
woven
strange
designs
of
laissez
faire
and
patterns
to
separate
acts
of
commerce
from
antecedents
such
as
pro-
duction
or
mining
and
from
subsequent
acts
such
as
distribution.
Its
applica-
tion
has
always
been
difficult
and
its
breadth
not
always
consistently
under-
stood.
Marshall
described
it
as
a
&dquo;sov-
ereign&dquo;
power,
&dquo;complete
in
itself.&dquo;
This
majestic
concept
was
narrowed
un-
til
in
1918
in
the
Child
Labor
case
4 the
majority
found
it
a
puny
power
indeed.
Now
we
are
returning
to
its
authentic
1
Brown
v.
Maryland,
12
Wheat.
419,
445-
446.
2
See
Fiske,
The
Critical
Period
in
American
History,
Chap.
IV;
Story,
On
the
Constitution,
Secs.
259-61.
3
See
The
Federalist,
No.
XLII ;
5
Elliot,
Debates,
Introduction
by
Madison,
pp.
109-22.
4
Hammer
v.
Dagenhart,
247
U.
S.
251.
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