The Shadow Docket

AuthorRobert V. Percival
PositionRobert F. Stanton professor of law and the director of the Environmental Law Program at the University of Maryland Carey School of Law. He is a former law clerk for the late Supreme Court Justice Byron R. White
Pages27-33
JANUARY/FEBRUARY 2022 | 27
Reprinted by permission from The Environmental Forum®, January/February 2022.
Copyright © 2022, Environmental Law Institute®, Washington, D.C. www.eli.org.
Robert V. Percival is the Rober t F. Stanton
professor of law a nd the director of the Env ironmental
Law Program at t he University of Mar yland Carey School
of Law. He is a former l aw clerk for the late Supre me
Court Just ice Byron R. White.
LEAD FEATURE
The Shadow Docket
Orders issued without pl enary review and oral argu ment used to be rare at the Supreme
Court. at changed under the Trump admin istration. e result was emergency stays
issued on average ever y two months, almost exclusively favoring con servative policy outcomes
SIX YEARS AGO, the Supreme Court
made an unprecedented intervention
in an environmental case, derailing the
most important U.S. eort to combat
the global climate crisis. Because the
petitioner had made an emergency
motion, the Court dispensed with
plenary review and oral argument in staying the
Obama administration’s Clean Power Plan to con-
trol greenhouse gas emissions from power plants.
Using what is now known as its shadow docket, the
justices voted 5-4 to reverse a unanimous decision
by the D.C. Circuit to let the regulations take eect
while it heard legal challenges to them.
In the last year, the new conservative super-majority
on the Court has come under re for several shadow-
docket decisions. It blocked local COVID prevention
mandates as infringements on religious liberty, struck
down the Biden administration’s extension of the Cen-
ters for Disease Control’s eviction moratorium, refused
to block a Texas law that eectively bans abortions, and
denied the Biden administration’s request to stay a dis-
trict court decision dictating immigration policy. ese
actions have provoked strong criticisms from dissent-
ing justices. Justice Breyer told an interviewer that the
refusal to block the Texas abortion law was “very, very,
very wrong” and that “it’s a huge mistake to decide ma-
jor things without full argument.”
Responding to the same decision, Justice Ka-
gan attacked the Court’s use of the shadow docket:
“Today’s ruling illustrates just how far the Court’s
‘shadow-docket’ decisions may depart from the
usual principles of appellate process. at ruling,
as everyone must agree, is of great consequence. Yet
the majority has acted without any guidance from
the Court of Appeals — which is right now con-
sidering the same issues.” Kagan went on to blast
the hurried process. e Court, she said, “has re-
viewed only the most cursory party submissions,
and then only hastily. And it barely bothers to ex-
plain its conclusion — that a challenge to an obvi-
ously unconstitutional abortion regulation backed
by a wholly unprecedented enforcement scheme is
unlikely to prevail.”
In conclusion, Kagan chided the majority for a
decision she called “emblematic of too much of this
Court’s shadow-docket decisionmaking — which
every day becomes more unreasoned, inconsistent,
and impossible to defend.”
Most orders the Court issues involve routine
matters of case management, and the Court has is-
sued them since its very rst term in 1790. But in
recent years the Court has used the shadow docket
to make highly consequential legal decisions with-
out benet of plenary review. ese orders do not
reveal any of the votes unless some justices insist
that their dissents be noted. Usually they include
little or no explanation of whatever legal reason-
ing produced them. Many of them, like the deci-
sion to block the Clean Power Plan, are rulings
on motions for stays that can dramatically change
the status quo. Law professor Portia Prado has de-
scribed judicial stay decisions as “nearly a law-free
zone” because of the absence of uniform, principled

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