The Role of an Interest Group Leader in the House of Commons

• Author: John H. Millett
• DOI: 10.1177/106591295600900408
• Published date: 01 December 1956
• Date: 01 December 1956
• Subject Matter: Articles

THE ROLE OF AN INTEREST GROUP LEADER IN
THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
JOHN H. MILLETT
University of Rochester
STUDENT
of political behavior have long been aware of the phenom-
enon of conflicting interests centering in the same individual.’ A
~&dquo;
person in his interactions with his family may display interests differ-
ing from those he expresses in his interactions with his peer group; his
interests as a producer may call for public policies counter to those of his
interests as a consumer. Many other examples could be given -
member-
ship in a religious organization, community association -
the possible list
is endless.
The purpose of this paper is to survey conflicting interests in the be-
havior of a particular officer of an organized interest group who is a mem-
ber of the House of Commons, concentrating on his actions as a member
of the Government party. The presence in the House of Commons of a
large number of spokesmen for highly particularistic interests may seem a
paradox to those impressed with the power of the majority party leader-
ship ; indeed, the activities of organized interest groups, much less the ex-
pressions of unorganized particularistic interests, have been almost ignored
in descriptions of British government.2 The incredible cohesion of British
parties has been well demonstrated since the recent war when the Labour
party maintained its majority on all major issues with a majority of no
more than six, and the Conservative party did likewise with a slightly
larger majority from October, 1951, to the General Elections of 1955. In
spite of dramatic factional groups, such as the &dquo;Bevanites&dquo; in the Labour
party and the &dquo;Suez Group&dquo; in the Conservative party, the whips have
always produced a party majority when needed. What, then, is the role
of a lone spokesman of an organized interest group in such an institutional
arrangement?
1
Cf. John Dewey, The Public and Its Problems (New York: Henry Holt &
Co., 1927),
pp. 188 ff.; Walter Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1922),
pp. 173 ff.; David Truman, The Governmental Process (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1951), passim.
2
The exception is mention of the presence of trade-union leaders and Labour party mem-
bers sponsored by unions and Co-operative Societies, as well as a growing literature
on trade-unionism and specific unions. The best analysis of these activities is Samuel
H. Beer, "Pressure Groups and Parties in Britain," American Political Science Review,
L (March, 1956), 1-23. As for general works on government, an early brief description
is that of A. Lawrence Lowell, The Government of England (New York: The Mac-
millan Co., 1912), Vol. I, chap. xxvi. Sir Ivor Jennings has the most extensive descrip-
tion of such activities in Parliament (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1939),
chap. vii. The existence of "pressure groups" is briefly noted by Ivor Bulmer-Thomas,
The Party System in Great Britain (London: Phoenix House, 1953), chap. xviii.
915

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916
SIR IAN FRASER, M.P., AND THE BRITISH LEGION
Sir Ian Fraser, Conservative Member of Parliament for the Morecambe
and Lonsdale division of Lancashire, and president of the British Legion
since 1947, combines a number of potentially conflicting interests. He has
been a Tory M.P. since 1924, with the exception of the periods from 1929
to 1931 and 1937 to 1940. In addition, he is a blinded veteran of World
War I, a barrister, a company director, and a citizen of the Union of South
Africa. As an M.P. he speaks often for the sectional interests of his con-
stituency, which are primarily two, farming and seaside resorts. Any inter-
ests expressed as a war veteran are thus only a small part of the total for
which he may wish to speak as an M.P. Yet it is as president of the British
Legion that he is probably best known in Parliament today.
The British Legion is the largest and best known of the veterans’ organ-
izations in England and Wales. Formed in 1921 from four competing
groups under the leadership of Field Marshall the Earl Haig, it is unrivaled
as the only organization offering membership to veterans of any service,
including women’s services, from any date of service. It is best known for
its welfare activities and for social clubs which are affiliated with its
branches. The English public comes in contact with the group on Remem-
brance Sunday, the Sunday nearest November 11, and during the preced-
ing week when poppies are sold to collect funds for its welfare activities,
the sales annually totaling just under one million pounds.
The Legion’s membership is difficult to determine precisely.3 It reached
a peak in 1948 of just under one million; since then a steady decline has
set in, its present membership being about 650,000 in 5,200 local branches.
In addition to this there is a Women’s Section, or auxiliary, composed of
wives and daughters of Legion members, perhaps numbering about 250,000.
The top governing body of the Legion is the Annual Conference, a
meeting of branch delegates. The Conference is a large and unwieldy
body which usually follows the leadership offered by its chairman and the
National Executive Council. The Council includes two members chosen
by each of several geographic areas, all past chairmen, and the present
chairman, vice chairman, president, and honorary treasurer. Of these
officers, the chairman is the most important; he presides at Conferences
and Council meetings and, although unpaid, devotes most of his time to
Legion affairs. The president is largely a ceremonial officer; he opens the
Conference with an inspirational speech and addresses meetings through-
out the country, but rarely spends much of his time on Legion business.
3
The national office of the Legion keeps no membership figures. Its Annual Reports give
the total "affiliation fees," which may be divided by two shillings, the individual fee,
to give a rough figure. But these are uncertain, as branches buy "books" of affiliation
fees for use over a period of several years, and then sell them as they acquire members.
Further, this does not account for life memberships.

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917
Probably one of the most important officials is the chief permanent paid
officer, the general secretary, whose day-to-day management of Legion
affairs and continuous service make him a powerful influence in the affairs
of the Council. The present holder of that office has been with the Legion
since its formation, first as assistant general secretary and for the past fifteen
years as general secretary.
The Legion has from its beginning sought representation in the House
of Commons and one or more M.P.’s have always spoken for it. While the
Legion goes to great lengths to discourage branches from backing specific
candidates for office, it does encourage branches to put the Legion’s current
position to all candidates and to seek pledges of co-operation from them.
Since the recent war less emphasis has been placed upon this type of
activity; but whether branches do seek pledges from candidates or not,
the Legion has its spokesmen in Parliament, particularly since its President
has a safe seat -
a majority of over 17,000 in May, 1955.
While strongly proclaiming that it is nonpartisan, the Legion has always
claimed to be &dquo;political,&dquo;...