The Risk and Protective Factors of Violent Juvenile Offending

• Author: Thomas W. Shaffer,Jessica L. Hart,Jana L. Price-Sharps,Siobhan K. O'Toole
• Published date: 01 October 2007
• Date: 01 October 2007
• DOI: http://doi.org/10.1177/1541204006297367
• Subject Matter: Articles

Youth Violence and
Juvenile Justice
Volume 5 Number 4
The Risk and Protective Factors
October 2007 367-384
© 2007 Sage Publications
10.1177/1541204006297367
of Violent Juvenile Offending
http://yvj.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com
An Examination of Gender Differences
Jessica L. Hart
Valley Child and Family Guidance Center
Siobhan K. O’Toole
Jana L. Price-Sharps
Thomas W. Shaffer
Alliant International University
Understanding the etiology of violent juvenile offending is critical for prevention and inter-
vention efforts. The risk factors examined included marital status of parents, marital conflict,
substance use, age of first substance use, learning difficulties, and school failure. The protec-
tive factors assessed included parenting styles, academic achievement, attitudes unfavorable
toward violence, having a mentor, positive relationships with peers, and being involved in
extracurricular activities. One hundred and twenty-four participants between the ages 14 and
18 years were assessed. A discriminant functions analysis revealed that multiple risk and pro-
tective factors were significant in predicting group membership. The nondelinquent group had
significantly more protective factors than the other two groups. Significant gender differences
were also found.
Keywords:
gender; juvenile delinquency; protective factor; risk factor; violence
Understanding the etiology of violent juvenile offending is critical for prevention and
intervention efforts and the survival and success of future generations. Research on the
causes and correlates of juvenile delinquency is plentiful and lays a very strong foundation
from which to develop new ideas and programs. For example, the Rochester Youth
Development Study (Thornberry, 1998) examined the risk factors associated with gang
membership and violence. The researchers found that for male adolescents, growing up in
poverty, having low parental attachment and supervision, having low parental expectations
for success in school, associating with delinquent peers, having easy access to drugs, hav-
ing low self-esteem, and being involved in delinquent or violent activities were more likely
to become gang members (Thornberry, 1998). Significant risk factors were also found
related to community, school, and family environments. Similar research in Denver,
Colorado, and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, has also established the importance of assessing
risk factors (i.e., Loeber, Wei, Stouthamer-Loeber, Huizinga, & Thornberry, 1999). Other
research has also provided support for examining violent juvenile behavior through a combined
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Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice
approach of assessing risk and protective factors. In the past few years, protective factors
have received increased attention as important in understanding juvenile offending (Hoge,
Andrews, & Leschied, 1996; Pollard, Hawkins, & Arthur, 1999). Researchers have also tra-
ditionally overlooked females in their assessment of juvenile delinquency. For example,
only 25% of the sample used in the Rochester Youth Development Study (Thornberry,
1998) was female. However, over the past decade, female juvenile offending has sparked
the interest of researchers (i.e., Chesney-Lind & Sheldon, 1998). A greater understanding
of how female delinquents differ from male delinquents and how risk and protective fac-
tors may affect females differently is crucial for implementing intervention and prevention
programs that target female populations.
In 2003, an estimated 2.2 million arrests occurred involving individuals younger than
age 18 (Snyder, 2005). Although the juvenile violent crime arrest rate is the lowest it has
been since 1985, juveniles continue to commit a substantial amount of violence in society
(Snyder, 2005). In 2003, FBI officials reported that juveniles accounted for approximately
16% of all arrests in the United States and 15% of all violent crime arrests (Snyder, 2005).
In 2003, juveniles accounted for 5% of murder arrests, 12% of aggravated assault arrests,
and 14% of robbery arrests (Snyder, 2005). These statistics highlight the importance of
gaining a better understanding of the etiology of violent juvenile offending.
In 2003, females accounted for 59% of juveniles who ran away from home and 30% of
arrests for curfew and loitering violations. Although most of the literature focuses on male
juvenile delinquents, females are quietly committing more nonviolent and violent crimes.
In 2003, females accounted for 18% of juvenile violent crime arrests, including 9% of
arrests for murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, 9% of robbery arrests, and 24% of
aggravated assault arrests (Snyder, 2005). Females also accounted for a substantial number
of the juvenile arrests for larceny-theft (39%), offenses against the family and children
(39%), other assaults (32%), and disorderly conduct (31%; Snyder, 2005). These statistics
emphasize the necessity of researching female juvenile offending and how it may differ
from male juvenile offending.
In an effort to gain a better understanding of juvenile nonviolent and violent offending,
the current study assessed a number of risk and protective factors. The family factors that
were assessed included marital conflict and parenting styles. Witnessing marital conflict in
the home may lead to behavioral problems for juveniles (Reppucci, Fried, & Schmidt,
2002). It is estimated that as many as 10 million children each year have witnessed or been
victims of violence in their homes and community (Kracke, 2001). Some researchers
pointed out that it may even be more harmful for a juvenile to remain in a two-parent fam-
ily where there is marital conflict than in a single-parent family where there is no conflict
(Williams, Ayers, & Arthur, 1997). Witnessing violence and conflict between parents may
have long-term psychological effects for juveniles that may continue into adulthood, such
as depression, anxiety, and anger (Carlson, 1990; Kracke, 2001). Approximately two mil-
lion adolescents may also suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder as a result of witness-
ing and experiencing violence (Kracke, 2001). Adolescents who witness violence in the
home are also more likely to become violent themselves (Kracke, 2001).

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Hart et al. / Risk and Protective Factors
369
Parenting styles, particularly authoritative parenting, may protect juveniles from starting
delinquent behavior. Authoritative parenting allows the juvenile to make choices and deci-
sions about his or her life while still within a nurturing and structured environment
(Baumrind, 1968; Mounts & Steinberg, 1995). Children of authoritative parents learn
appropriate ways of communicating and sharing with other people, and they are provided
with consistent rules and discipline that guide them in their development (Baumrind, 1968).
Given that juveniles spend the majority of their time in school when they are not with
their family, school factors may be especially important. The school factors assessed in the
current study include academic abilities and learning difficulties. Crosnoe, Erickson, and
Dornbusch (2002) found that academic achievement was directly related to lower levels of
delinquent behavior. Studies conducted on violent behavior and academic abilities have
also found that juveniles with high grades were less likely to be involved in violent behav-
ior (Blum, Ireland, & Blum, 2003). Studies conducted on learning difficulties and violent
behaviors have found that violence increased as learning difficulties increased (Blum et al.,
2003). Juveniles with learning difficulties may not have the social or cognitive skills needed
to resist involvement in delinquent behavior, and they may be treated differently because of
their difficulties (Morrison & Cosden, 1997).
Substance abuse is another factor that may lead juveniles to further delinquent behavior.
Alcohol use and drug use have been consistently associated with delinquent and violent
behavior (Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992; White, Loeber, Stouthamer-Loeber, &
Farrington, 1999). Although it may be difficult to ascertain whether substance use came
before or after the start of delinquent behavior, many researchers have found that where
there is one behavior there is usually the other (Dawkins, 1997; White et al., 1999). Zhang,
Wieczorek, and Welte (1997) found that the earlier a juvenile begins his or her substance
use, the more likely he or she is to be involved in delinquent behavior and continue his or
her substance use into adulthood.
Peers and mentors often play important roles in whether a juvenile becomes delinquent.
Juveniles who have friends who are delinquent have consistently been found to have a
greater chance of being involved in delinquent activities themselves (Elliot & Menard,
1996), whereas juveniles with prosocial peers are more likely to resist involvement in delin-
quent behavior (Guo, Hill, & Hawkins, 2002; Hoge et al., 1996). Also, juveniles who have
someone that they feel they can go to when they need help are less likely to be involved in
drug and alcohol abuse and delinquent behavior (Grossman & Garry, 1997). Mentors pro-
vide juveniles with either the support that their parents do not provide or added support
above and beyond that of parents and peers (Beam, Chen, & Greenberger, 2002). Prosocial
peer relationships and mentors may provide at-risk adolescents with the extra support they
need to resist delinquent and violent behavior.
Along with the influence of peers and other individuals, the attitudes and beliefs a juve-
nile has,...