The Prophetic and the Prosperous: Religious Ideologies and the Maintenance of Group Consciousness

• DOI: 10.1177/1065912918796337
• Published date: 01 June 2019
• Date: 01 June 2019
• Subject Matter: Articles

https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912918796337

Political Research Quarterly

2019, Vol. 72(2) 488 –503

© 2018 University of Utah

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DOI: 10.1177/1065912918796337

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Article

In his discussion of collective behavior, Blumer (1939)

notes that for mass political action to develop there must

be “esprit de corps,” a sense of common understanding

and commitment. Whether it be labor disputes in nine-

teenth-century England (Steinberg 1996), Poland’s

Solidarity Movement (Osa 1996), or American college

students protesting Apartheid (Hirsch 1990), a sense of

collective consciousness is integral to generating mass

action (Mansbridge 2001). In the case of African

Americans, racial group consciousness has been essential

to explaining partisan attachments, policy preferences,

and political behavior (Dawson 1994; Gurin, Hatchett,

and Jackson 1989). Integral to the development of group

consciousness is the establishment of independent enti-

ties, which allow individuals to develop a common iden-

tity and solidarity (Blumer 1939). Scholars routinely use

the black church an example of these types of institutions

(Dawson 1994; Reese and Brown 1995).1 They argue that

beyond being a place where blacks can regularly meet,

black churches are a wellspring for racial group con-

sciousness because they present a prophetic religious tra-

dition emphasizing actively working to achieve equality

for all (Harris 2012; Harris-Lacewell 2007a). This reli-

gious tradition, commonly referred to as the social gos-

pel, is presented as central to the black religious

experience by a variety of scholars and activists (Barber

and Wilson-Hartgrove 2016; Lincoln and Mamiya 1990;

Paris 1985; Wallis 2005). Despite this common image,

several scholars contend the authoritarian, otherworldly,

and insular nature of many black churches obstructs the

development of racial group consciousness and collective

behavior (Frazier [1964] 1974; Myrdal 1962; Reed 1986).

Conventional wisdom, since the civil rights move-

ment, argues there is a positive relationship between

black religion and black group consciousness. However,

recent attention to the multidimensional nature of the

black religious experience questions this relationship and

has reignited the debate as to whether the black church

promotes racial group consciousness (Harris 2012;

Harris-Lacewell 2007a). Specifically, scholars and com-

mentators note the rise of the prosperity gospel as a mes-

sage that weakens group cohesion. As Mitchem (2007,

108) states, “Prosperity preaching generally stresses the

individual person’s will over history as the God-approved

route to overcoming racial oppression. This preaching

will also stress the importance of the individual over the

community.” These assertions about the political conse-

quences of the prosperity gospel indicate, under certain

conditions, exposure to black churches may erode black

group consciousness. The 2016 election captured these

796337PRQXXX10.1177/1065912918796337Political Research QuarterlyMcDaniel

research-article2018

1The University of Texas at Austin, USA

Corresponding Author:

Eric L. McDaniel, Department of Government, The University of

Texas at Austin, 1 University Station A1800, Austin, TX 78712, USA.

Email: emcdaniel@austin.utexas.edu

The Prophetic and the Prosperous:

Religious Ideologies and the Maintenance

of Group Consciousness

Eric L. McDaniel1

Abstract

Integral to the development of group consciousness is the establishment of independent entities, which allow

individuals to develop a common identity and solidarity. In the case of African Americans, the black church has

facilitated racial group consciousness by bringing blacks together and advocating a belief system that emphasizes justice

and community, commonly referred to as the social gospel. In contrast to the social gospel, the prosperity gospel

emphasizes individualism and material gain. Scholars and critics argue its growth in the black religious discourse may

erode the group cohesion developed by the social gospel. Using a unique data set that measures support for these

religious belief systems and black group consciousness, I find support for these assertions. Furthermore, the results

demonstrate that the nature of these relationships is contingent upon exposure to religious institutions.

Keywords

black politics, religion and politics, group consciousness, ideology

McDaniel 489

concerns as several clergy connected to the prosperity

gospel endorsed Donald Trump’s candidacy (Butler

2016; Gjelten 2017; Weigel 2016). Specifically, Harris-

Lacewell (2007a, 2007b) and Harris (2012) contend the

prosperity gospel’s teaching will erode the belief in a

black collective struggle, while the social gospel fortifies

this belief.

These concerns have been discussed in the broader

commentary about black politics and among scholars of

black politics; however, there has been no rigorous test-

ing to see if the perceived relationships between the social

and prosperity gospels and black group consciousness

exists. The purpose of this study is to empirically test

these arguments about the connection between religious

belief systems and group cohesion. Using a unique data

set that allows me to operationalize support for these

belief systems and black group consciousness, I find

empirical support for these arguments. The social gospel

is positively associated with group consciousness, while

the prosperity gospel has a negative correlation.

Furthermore, the results demonstrate exposure to reli-

gious institutions influences the application of these

beliefs to group consciousness.

Beyond the implications for the racial and ethnic and

religion and politics literatures, this study illuminates the

need for scholars to be attentive to how indigenous insti-

tutions can both increase and impede collective action.

Furthermore, this work highlights the responsiveness of

group consciousness to countervailing forces and offers

insight into the impediments groups face in mobilizing

themselves to protect their interests.

As an ideology which helps individuals organize their

world and seek out others to help them achieve their goals

(Gurin, Hatchett, and Jackson 1989; Miller et al. 1981),

group consciousness is one of the most salient aspects of

understanding collective political behavior (Conover

1984). Group consciousness calls into question structures

that interfere with the group’s attempts to reach its goals,

sees any attempt to stagnate the advancement of their

interests as illegitimate, and calls upon a collective

response to these threats (Gurin, Miller, and Gurin 1980).

Because of this, group consciousness is more than a psy-

chological attachment to the group; it is also the recogni-

tion of systemic threats and committing to collective

action to challenge these threats.

In the case of racial group consciousness, the member

of the racial group perceives a common bond and a col-

lective commitment to protect the racial group from

antagonists and works to advance the group’s position in

society (W. O. Brown 1931). African Americans have

been central to the study of racial group consciousness.

Scholars have found their high level of group conscious-

ness accounts for political attitudes, partisanship (Gurin,

Hatchett, and Jackson 1989; Philpot 2017), vote choice

(Philpot and Walton 2007), and higher than expected lev-

els of political participation (Shingles 1981; Verba and

Nie 1972).

The political importance of being black has existed

since the colonies, but the idea of a collective commit-

ment to confronting social inequalities and advancing the

goals of the group has waxed and waned in black political

history. In the first half of the twentieth century, Ferguson

(1938), Gamson (1968), and Singer (1962) asserted the

lack of political solidarity prevented blacks from advanc-

ing their political interests. Banfield and Wilson (1963)

contend this lack of solidarity was rooted in a class con-

flict. The collective activities of the civil rights and black

Power movements broke down these class barriers to cre-

ate a cohesive political unit (Smith 1978, 1981). Events,

such as Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns and the

Rodney King incident, helped maintain high levels of

group consciousness. More recently, events regarding

police brutality and bias in the justice system have served

as a source for maintaining high levels of groups con-

sciousness (A. Brown 2015).2

It was once thought black group consciousness would

quickly dissipate with political and economic gains

(Wilson 1980), but research at the end of the twentieth

century found that this did not occur (Dawson 1994;

McClerking 2001). African Americans continue to

endorse higher levels of group consciousness than other

racial groups (Sears and Savalei 2006). However, recent

commentary on black group consciousness casts doubt on

the endurance of high levels of black group conscious-

ness. Specifically, scholars note the increased emphasis

on individualism and racial conservatism among African

Americans (Harris 2012; Tate 2010). Using urban politics

as an example, Spence (2012, 2013) argues the growth of

neoliberalism in black politics diminished role of race

and increased the salience of class. Harris-Lacewell

(2007a, 2007b) and Harris (2012) link this shift in black

collective identity to a shift in the black religious dis-

course. They argue the social justice message of the black

church has given way to individualism and wealth accu-

mulation, which has eroded black group consciousness.

The mere existence of the black church and the black

religious experience is the announcement of black racial

solidarity. Many of the earliest black congregations were

created out of black protest of discrimination in white

churches. Within this institution, that was black owned,

operated and maintained, blacks developed a religious,

political, and social narrative that challenged the idea

they were at the bottom of a divine racial hierarchy

(Lincoln and Mamiya 1990; Pinn and Pinn 2002;

Raboteau 2001; Randolph 1999). These actions formed

the link between religion and black racial identity. Allen,

Dawson, and Brown (1989) point to black religious prac-

tices, such as worship service attendance, as key in the