The price effects of cross‐market mergers: theory and evidence from the hospital industry

AuthorKate Ho,Robin S. Lee,Leemore Dafny
Published date01 June 2019
Date01 June 2019
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1756-2171.12270
RAND Journal of Economics
Vol.50, No. 2, Summer 2019
pp. 286–325
The price effects of cross-market mergers:
theory and evidence from the hospital
industry
Leemore Dafny
Kate Ho∗∗
and
Robin S. Lee
We consider the effect of mergers between firms whose products are not viewed as direct sub-
stitutes for the same good or service, but are bundled by a common intermediary. Focusing on
hospital mergers acrossdistinct geographic markets, we show that such combinations can reduce
competition among merging hospitals for inclusionin insurers’ networks, leading to higher prices
(or lower-quality care). Using data on hospital mergers from 1996–2012, we find support that
this mechanism operates within state boundaries: cross-market, within-state hospital mergers
yield price increases of 7%–9 % for acquiring hospitals, whereasout-of-state acquisitions do not
yield significant increases.
1. Introduction
Merger analysis is a staple of antitrust enforcement. When a merger eliminates current or
potential competition for a relevant product or service, enforcers may sue to block or unwind the
transaction. According to the most recent release of the “Horizontal Merger Guidelines,” which
articulate the principles followed by the federal antitrust enforcement agencies, merger analysis
is a “fact-specific process,” one in which the particulars of the relevant market(s) and merging
parties are integral to enforcement decisions. One such particular is the presence (or absence)
of intermediaries in the chain of production or distribution. In this study, we evaluate mergers
of upstream suppliers to intermediaries that bundle products or services for sale to customers,
who in turn may aggregate the preferences of multiple individuals. We argue that the presence of
intermediaries selling to such customers can affect both the likelihood and margin of harm from
Harvard University and NBER; ldafny@hbs.edu, robinlee@fas.harvard.edu.
∗∗Princeton University, NBER, and CEPR; kate.ho@princeton.edu.
Wethank the Editor, three anonymous referees, David Balan, Cory Capps, David Dranove, Gautam Gowrisankaran,Aviv
Nevo,Bob Town, Nathan Wilson, and numerous conference and seminar participants for useful comments and discussion;
and Matthew Schmitt and Victoria Marone for exceptional research assistance. All errors are our own.
286 C2019, The RAND Corporation.
DAFNY, HO AND LEE / 287
a merger of suppliers, and that harm to consumers may result, even if the products being supplied
are not direct “head-to-head” rivals at the point of sale. Examples of such settings include: cable
TV, where different content producers offer channels that are not direct substitutes but negotiate
prices with distributors that market a bundle of channels to multiperson households; and retail
product markets, where products may be targeted to different consumers but are stocked by
retailers offering one-stop shopping.
Health insurance is another relevant example. Private (commercial) insurers bargain with
providers(e.g., physicians or hospitals) over reimbursement rates (prices); the insurers then bundle
these services, adding in administrative and oversightfeatures—as well as risk-bearing in the case
of “full insurance” products—and sell insurance plans to employersand households. Hospitals are
critical upstream suppliers to health plans, accounting for nearly one third of healthcare spending
in the United States today.1Inrecent years, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) has successfully
challenged several proposed mergers of hospitals that are direct substitutes at the point of care
(i.e., in the same geographic and product market), informed by an economic literature showing
that these “within-market” mergers tend to result in price increases for privately insured patients
without significant quality improvements.2
In contrast, there has been very little regulatory activity regarding hospital mergers across
distinct markets. This gap is notable in light of the significant pace of such “cross-market” mergers
in recent years.3More than half of the 528 general acute-care hospital mergers between 2000 and
2012 involved hospitals or systems without facilities in the same CBSA,4and a recent study by
Lewis and Pflum (2016) shows substantial increases in prices for independent hospitals acquired
by out-of-market systems (located 45+minutes away), as well as price increases by nearbyrivals.
As we describe below, current methods of assessing the anticompetitive threat from hospital
mergers assume there can be no increase in bargaining leverage unless the merging parties are
vying to provide the same set of services to the same set of patients. These methods implicitly
assume that insurance markets do not impact upstream market power; more formally, the models
typically assume insurers face demand that is separable across product and service markets (as
in Capps, Dranove, and Satterthwaite, 2003).
We argue that an extension to the current methodology is warranted in light of the role and
realities of intermediary markets. Insurers negotiate with and pay hospitals for their services,
and demand for insurance may not, in fact, be separable across service markets. We show that
the presence of “common customers” (e.g., employers or households) who purchase insurance
products and value the services offered by both merging parties can give rise to greater post-
merger bargainingl everagefor the merging hospitals, even when those hospitals operate in distinct
patient markets. These common customers are likely to be large employersthat demand insurance
products covering hospital services in multiple distinct geographic markets, that is, areas where
their employeeslive and work. Because insurers serve employers in multiple geographic regions, a
merged cross-market hospital system that coversthose regions can demand higher reimbursement
rates from insurers.5
1CMS National Health Expenditure Accounts, available at www.cms.gov/research-statistics-data-and-
systems/statistics-trends-and-reports/nationalhealthexpenddata/nhe-fact-sheet.html.
2See Dranove and White (1994); Town and Vistnes (2001); Capps, Dranove,and Satterthwaite (2003); Gaynor and
Vogt(2003); Dafny (2009); Haas-Wilson and Garmon (2011); Farrell et al. (2011); Gaynor and Town (2012); Gaynor,
Ho, and Town(2015), among others.
3Examples include the $3.9 billion acquisition of Health Management (71 hospitals) byCommunity Health Systems
(135 hospitals) in 2014, and the 2013 merger of Dallas-based Baylor Health Care System and Temple-based Scott &
White Health; post-merger, the combined entity comprised 43 hospitals and more than 6000 affiliated physicians.
4Data from Irving Levin on 528 general acute-care hospital mergers between 2000–2012 indicate that 256 (48.5%)
involved hospitals located within the same CBSA; 193 (36.6%) werein the same state but not the same CBSA; whereas
79 (15%) were out-of-state. A CBSA is defined as a metropolitan statistical area in larger cities, and a “micropolitan”
area in smaller towns. For further details, see www.census.gov/programs-surveys/metro-micro/about.html.
5Common customers for insurance products can also be households that demand services of hospitals in the same
geographic area but different product markets, for example, pediatric and cardiac specialty hospitals.
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288 / THE RAND JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Consider for illustrative purposes a simple setting where a state-wide employer chooses
insurance products to offer to employees who are evenly distributed across the state. Assume
there are 10 local markets, each of which contains three evenly sized, competing hospitals.
Insurers engage in pair-wise bargainingwith hospitals over prices. Under current antitrust practice,
authorities would be likely to object to mergers of hospitals within a local market on the grounds
that they would “substantially lessen competition or tend to create a monopoly,” per Section
7 of the Clayton Act.6They would be unlikely, however, to object to cross-market mergers—
even repeated mergers that created three large hospital systems, each owning a hospital in every
market. However, the cross-market presence of the large employer implies a potentially large
effect of these mergers on negotiated hospital prices. Although the employer would be unlikely
to drop an insurance plan that removed just one of the 30 hospitals from its network(because this
would affect few of its employees), it would be much more likely to drop a plan that removed a
large hospital system representing a third of all hospitals. Thus, competition among insurers for
inclusion in employers’ plan menus provides the large hospital system with greater bargaining
leverage than individual hospitals to negotiatehigher prices, even if no two hospitals in the system
operate in overlapping service markets.
The first part of this article uses a theoretical model of bargaining between upstream suppliers
and downstream intermediaries to formalize the intuition outlined above. Building on the model
in Ho and Lee (2017), we show that a sufficient condition for a market power effect of an
upstream merger between hospitals is that the insurer’s objective function, typically represented
by its profits, is submodular in the set of upstream hospitals—that is, the value of a hospital
to an insurer is decreasing in the size of the insurer’s hospital network. This condition can be
satisfied under standard formulations for consumer demand and insurer profits if the hospitals
are valued by a common customer, (e.g., employer or household) even if they operate in different
service markets. Our model formalizes some of the arguments in Vistnes and Sarafidis (2013),
which includes numerical examples illustrating how price effects may arise when employers
recruit employees from different geographic areas. We also provide conditions under which a
merger between hospitals negotiating with a common insurer,even absent common customers, is
sufficient to generate a price effect.7
The second part of the article explores the predictions of our model using panel data
on hospital prices and system acquisitions, supplemented with data on local insurance market
shares. We examine two distinct samples of acute-care hospital mergers over the period 1996–
2012, and compare the price trajectories of three groups of hospitals: (i) hospitals acquiring a
new system member in the same state but not the same narrow geographic market (“adjacent
treatment hospitals”); (ii) hospitals acquiring a new system member out-of-state (“nonadjacent
treatment hospitals”); and (iii) hospitals that are not members of “target” (i.e., acquired) or
acquiring systems. To minimize concerns about the exogeneity of which hospitals are parties
to transactions, we focus on hospitals that are likely to be “bystanders” rather than the drivers
of transactions. Our first sample of transactions comprises mergers investigated by the FTC
due to potential horizontal overlap among the merging parties. We argue that hospitals that are
members of the merging systems but located outside the areas of concern likely fall into the
bystander category. Our second sample makes use of a broader set of mergers, that is, we begin
with the set of all mergers involving at least one hospital system over the period 2002–2012. We
limit the treatment group in two ways: first, we exclude hospitals that are the “crown jewels” of
each deal (so the remaining hospitals are likely to be bystanders to the transaction); second, we
exclude hospitals that gain a system member within 30 minutes (or are located within 30 minutes
of another hospital that experiences the same over a five year period spanning the transaction
6Throughout this manuscript, we refer to “price effects,” but our theoretical and conceptual observations apply
equally to other potential merger effects, such as effects on quality or innovation.
7Depending on the precise mechanism, these effects may not arise from a diminution of competition among the
merging entitites.
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