The Paradox of Ambition

• Date: 01 June 2017
• Author: Matthew B. Platt
• DOI: 10.1177/1065912916688111
• Published date: 01 June 2017
• Subject Matter: Articles

688111PRQXXX10.1177/1065912916688111PlattPolitical Research QuarterlyPlatt
research-article2017
Article
Political Research Quarterly
2017, Vol. 70(2) 269 –278
The Paradox of Ambition
© 2017 University of Utah
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https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912916688111
DOI: 10.1177/1065912916688111
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Matthew B. Platt1
Abstract
The last three election cycles suggest that we may be experiencing a surge in black political ambition. Barack Obama’s
historic election is sandwiched between the failed efforts of people such as Denise Majette, Harold Ford Jr., Artur
Davis, and Kendrick Meek. Combined with Cory Booker’s senatorial run, scholars have argued that there is a need
for a reevaluation of black political ambition and a new classification for black politics itself. If we are experiencing a
genuine emergence of a new ambitious breed of black politicians, then the paradox of ambition—that black electoral
success is detrimental to black agenda setting—would suggest that we may also be experiencing a major abandonment
of black politics. This paper begins to investigate this possibility in terms of individual bill sponsorship for black
members of Congress from 1947 to 2010.
Keywords
black politics, bill sponsorship, agenda setting, political ambition
In the first 132 years (1870–2002) of black Americans
policy issues that directly appeal to either race or the
serving in Congress, only three sitting black members of
(potentially controversial) concerns of black voters.
Congress (MCs) voluntarily left their seats to pursue
Given the prominence of this concept in the black politics
higher office: Yvonne Burke, Harold Washington, and
literature, there has been surprisingly little work that
Alan Wheat. Five black MCs have left Congress to pur-
seeks to make connections between deracialized cam-
sue higher office over the past nine years: Denise Majette,
paigns and deracialized governance. I begin to fill in that
Harold Ford Jr., Barack Obama, Kendrick Meek, and
gap by asking, “are ambitious black MCs less active in
Artur Davis. Although only one of these five candidates
black agenda setting?”
was successful, Obama’s election as president is safely
The “death of black politics” interpretation of black
described as “kind of a big deal.” Smith (2009) argues
electoral success can be thought of as a paradox of ambi-
that this apparent surge of black candidates for statewide
tion: black electoral success is detrimental to black agenda
office suggests a new structure of ambition, and political
setting. I conclude that both the death and rebirth of black
scientists and pundits alike have asked what these newly
politics might be overstated. Using data on the biographi-
ambitious black politicians might portend for black poli-
cal features of black MCs throughout the history of
tics (Bai 2008; Gillespie 2010; Ifill 2009). In this paper, I
Congress, I show that there are relatively few changes
investigate the potential consequences of having more
observed over time. However, there is evidence to suggest
ambitious black representatives in Congress.
that black MCs with Ivy League pedigrees are a relatively
Beginning with the first big-city black mayors in Gary
recent development, black Ivy Leaguers are more likely to
and Cleveland, each major advance in black electoral
be ambitious, ambitious black MCs are less active in
success has been accompanied by both declarations of
sponsoring legislation that commemorates or celebrates
rebirth and eulogies for the death of black politics
black achievements, but the Ivy Leaguers have a strong
(Gillespie 2009; Nelson and Meranto 1977; Preston 1987;
commitment to fighting against explicit racial discrimina-
Smith 1990). These constant reincarnations of black poli-
tion. These findings support two overarching points:
tics focus primarily on questions of electoral strategy, and
debates on the death or rebirth of black politics cannot be
they try to infer policy consequences from those electoral
premised upon real changes in black representation; to the
strategies. The basic idea is that achieving higher levels
of electoral success necessarily requires a greater ability
1Morehouse College, Atlanta, GA, USA
to attract white voters. McCormick and Jones (1993)
argue that campaigns that are most effective at attracting
Corresponding Author:
Matthew B. Platt, Department of Political Science, Morehouse
white electoral support will tend to involve some level of
College, 830 Westview Dr. SW, Atlanta, GA 30314, USA.
“deracialization”—black candidates will deemphasize
Email: matthew.platt@morehouse.edu

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270
Political Research Quarterly 70(2)
small extent that black representation has changed, the
under a larger umbrella of presentation of self. Sulkin
consequences of those changes are ambiguous.
(2005) makes this connection between elections and
The rest of the paper proceeds in five sections. The
behavior explicit through her research on issue uptake—
next section elaborates on what a “Paradox of Ambition”
incumbent MCs introduce bills on the policy topics of
is conceptually and offers a hypothesis to guide the
their electoral challengers. Recent studies have shown
empirical investigation. The section “Data and Method”
that MCs use visual images in their advertisements to sig-
briefly describes how the data on biographies, ambition,
nal their legislative commitments (Sulkin and Swigger
and bill sponsorship were collected. The section 2008), MCs campaign on the issue priorities they estab-
“Biography and Ambition” explores whether the nature
lish through bill sponsorship (Sulkin 2009), and MCs
of black representatives has changed and how these
alter the policy priorities of their bill sponsorship when
changes relate to ambition. The section “The Costs of
new constituent concerns are introduced by redistricting
Ambition” presents the results on the relationships
(Hayes, Hibbing, and Sulkin 2010). Sulkin’s research
between biography, ambition, and black agenda setting.
provides strong, consistent evidence that members’
The “Conclusion” includes a discussion of how this
choices of how to construct legislative portfolios are
research fits into a broader understanding of the role of
heavily influenced by how they want to present them-
black MCs in black agenda setting.
selves to voters. Herrick and Moore (1993) show that we
can further distinguish between MCs’ behaviors based on
A Paradox of Ambition
the scope of voters to whom they are appealing. They
argue that MCs who are progressively ambitious—those
As stated above, black MCs must attract white votes to
who are seeking some higher office—seek to create
secure any higher level of office. Ambitious black MCs
broader reputations to appeal to the larger electorates they
want to establish crossover appeal by showing that their
will have to face. Using data on bill introductions and
policy interests and expertise extend beyond the paro-
floor activity, Herrick and Moore (1993) find that ambi-
chial issues of their black constituents. We should observe
tious MCs are, indeed, more active. They sponsor more
ambitious black MCs developing legislative portfolios
legislation and give more speeches than their unambi-
with both offense and defense in mind. Offensively, these
tious counterparts. Thus, we find support in the literature
MCs should sponsor bills that create a reputation for
for the first two claims: MCs use bill sponsorship to shape
addressing some set of problems that are important for
voters’ perceptions, and we should expect differences in
the intended nonblack voting audience. Defensively,
the bill sponsorship patterns for progressively ambitious
black politicians want to avoid a legislative record that
MCs.
potential challengers could racialize and/or portray as
A paradox of ambition builds on this general process
narrowly geared toward “black special interests.” The
by including a racial dimension. The purpose of the
consequence of these offensive and defensive consider-
Voting Rights Act of 1965 and its crucial amendments in
ations is that ambitious black MCs should be less active
1982 were not just to place black faces in positions of
in furthering a black issue agenda.
authority. Instead, the idea was that black elected offi-
There are three key claims embedded in the paradox of
cials would be able to, at worst, provide greater articula-
ambition. First, there is a connection between presenta-
tion of black interests, and, at best, alter policy decisions
tion of self and legislative behavior. Second, ambitious
in ways that improved black Americans’ lived conditions
MCs should behave...