The Nineteenth Amendment and Gender Identity Discrimination

AuthorAdam P. Romero
Pages48-52
LITIGATION 48
Newly 18 years old, Oliver was thrilled to cast a ballot for the first
time. At his voting location in a Maryland suburb of Washington,
D.C., Oliver presented his identification when asked for it by
a poll worker. This couldn’t be Oliver’s ID, the poll worker
claimed, because the card indicated that Oliver was female. But
Oliver identifies and presents as male; he is one of the 1.55 mil-
lion transgender people in the United States. J L. H
 ., W I., A  I W I
 T   U S (Jan. 2017). Although
Oliver had legally changed his name, he had not updated his
ID to reflect his gender identity because doing so is “a really
expensive process,” as he recounted to NBC News in 2018. Julie
Moreau, Strict ID Laws Could Disenfranchise 78,000 Transgender
Voters, Report Says, NBC N, Aug. 17, 2018, https://www.nbc-
news.com/feature/nbc-out/strict-id-laws-could-disenfran-
chise-78-000-transgender-voters-report-n901696. The poll
worker asked Oliver to step aside, and he was able to vote only
after waiting an hour for poll workers to assess the situation.
He felt humiliated, anxious, and discriminated against. Oliver
decided that in the future, he would vote by absentee ballot to
avoid a repeat scenario.
Although Oliver was ultimately able to vote, the barrie rs to
voting for transgender people who do not have IDs that accu-
rately reflect them are even greater—and they risk disenfran-
chisement—in states that strictly require an individual to provide
The Nineteenth Amendment and
Gender Identity
Discrimination
ADAM P. ROMERO
The author is a professor at the UCLA School of Law and director of legal scholarship and federal policy at the Williams Institute.
a government-issued ID in order to cast a ballot. According to
recent research by UCLA’s Williams Institute, 378,000 voting-
eligible transgender adults do not have accurate ID documents,
and nearly 105,000 of them face substantial barriers to voting and
possible disenfranchisement in the 12 states with the strictest
voter ID laws. K O’N & J L. H, W
I., T P I  V I L
O T V   2020 G E
(2020); J L. H & T N.T. B, W I.,
T P I  V I L 
T V   2018 G E (Aug.
2018). Even in states without such firm rules, transgender vot-
ers can face obstacles like those confronted by Oliver—or worse.
Recognizing this, California recently announced that it would
train poll workers on best practices for interacting with voters
whose gender identities or expressions do not match their names
on voter rolls. Press Release, Secretary of State Alex Padilla
Partners with Equality California Institute to Protect Voting
Rights of Transgender Californians in 2020 (Oct. 25, 2019). Not
having accurate identification can impede many interactions—in
addition to voting—in which we are, sometimes very reason-
ably, asked to prove who we are: securing employment, housing,
and credit; traveling by air or internationally; picking up certain
prescriptions; paying with a credit card; getting stopped by law
enforcement; and in many other vital or mundane situations.

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