The Negative Effect Fallacy: A Case Study of Incorrect Statistical Reasoning by Federal Courts

AuthorAnthony Fowler,Christopher S. Havasy,Ryan D. Enos
Date01 September 2017
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jels.12158
Published date01 September 2017
The Negative Effect Fallacy: A Case Study
of Incorrect Statistical Reasoning by
Federal Courts
Ryan D. Enos, Anthony Fowler,* and Christopher S. Havasy
This article examines the ne gative effect fallacy, a flawed statistica l argument first utilized
by the Warren Court in Elkins v. United States. The Court argued that empir ical evidence
could not determine wh ether the exclusiona ry rule prevents futur e illegal searches and
seizures because “it is ne ver easy to prove a negati ve,” inappropriately c onflating the
philosophical and arit hmetic definitions of the word negative. Subsequent ly, the Court has
repeated this mistake i n other domains, includ ing free speech, voting r ights, and
campaign finance. The falla cy has also proliferated into the fed eral circuit and district
court levels. Narrowly , our investigation aims t o eradicate the use of the nega tive effect
fallacy in federal cour ts. More broadly, we highlight several cha llenges and concerns with
the increasing use of sta tistical reasoning i n court decisions. As c ourts continue to
evaluate statistica l and empirical questio ns, we recommend that they e valuate the
evidence on its own merit rather than relying on co nvenient arguments e mbedded in
precedent.
I. Introduction
The law has an uneasy relationship with statistical and scientific evidence.
1
Legal history
is ripe with examples of lawyers and judges relying on controversial or incorrect inter-
pretations of empirical evidence. Perhaps most famously, the Supreme Court in Brown
v. Board of Education
2
relied on dubious psychological evidence in order to justify its
holding that racial segregation violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
*Address correspondence to Anthony Fowler, 1155 E. 60th St., 165, Chicago, IL 60637; anthony.fowler@ uchi-
cago.edu. Enos is Associate Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University; Fowler is Associate
Professor, Harris School of Public Policy, University of Chicago; Havasy is Ph.D. Candidate, the Department of
Government, Harvard University.
We thank Scott Ashworth, Richard Fallon, Jon Gould, Cody Gray, Pablo Montagnes, Nick Stephanopoulos,
Matthew Stephenson, and Susannah Barton Tobin for insightful comments and helpful guidance.
1
See David L. Faigman, To Have and to Have Not: Assessing the Value of Social Science to the Law as Science
and Policy, 38 Emory L.J. 1005, 1008 (1989). Cf. David Reisman, Some Observations on Law and Psychology, 19
U. Chi. L. Rev. 30, 32 (1951).
2
347 U.S. 483 (1954).
618
Journal of Empirical Legal Studies
Volume 14, Issue 3, 618–647, September 2017
Amendment.
3
Although some have argued that this psychological evidence was largely
inconsequential to the Court’s decision in Brown,
4
the Court’s apparent reliance on it
has been widely criticized.
5
Perhaps this state of affairs between law and statistics is not surprising; a standard
legal education does not include rigorous training in statistics or the evaluation of scien-
tific evidence. Federal judges and their clerks bring their limited statistical experience
with them to the bench, and they have little incentive to develop these skills. As a result,
statistical errors in one case can propagate to others through precedent. Allison Orr
Larsen finds that legal reasoning based on empirical information can form “factual
precedents” through “the tendency of lower courts to over-rely on Supreme Court opin-
ions and to apply generalized statements of fact from old cases to new ones.”
6
In the case of the flawed psychological evidence used in Brown, the wider legal
profession eventually corrected itself—similar research is no longer used as factual
precedent by federal courts. But other mistakes in scientific reasoning have received less
scrutiny by the legal profession, despite their widespread consequences. In this article,
we examine an incorrect statistical argument from an exclusionary rule case in 1960,
7
which then propagated over time and across various different legal domains. In subse-
quent decades the same incorrect reasoning was applied repeatedly by the Supreme
Court to cases regarding the exclusionary rule, voting rights, and free speech.
8
Most
recently, the Court used the argument to justify its ruling in Arizona Free Enterprise,in
which the Court struck down the matching funds provision of Arizona campaign finance
laws.
9
Proliferating further, lower federal circuit courts have widely adopted this fallacy
across different legal domains.
10
The specific error in question involves the empirical task of “proving a negative”
or, more appropriately, determining whether a law in question decreases a particular
3
Id. at 494 n.11.
4
See James E. Ryan, The Limited Influence of Social Science Evidence in Modern Desegregation Cases, 81 N.C.
L. Rev. 1659, 1665 (2003); Jack M. Balkin, Rewriting Brown, in Jack M. Balkin and Bruce A. Ackerman, eds., What
Brown v. Board of Education Should Have Said 51 (2002).
5
For early criticisms of the footnote, see Charles L. Black, Jr., The Lawfulness of the Segregation Decisions, 69
Yale L.J. 421, 427 (1960); Edmund Cahn, Jurisprudence, 30 NYU L. Rev. 150, 167 (1955). For recent discussions
of the controversy surrounding the footnote, see Michael Heise, Brown v. Board of Education, Footnote 11, and
Multidisciplinarity, 90 Cornell L. Rev. 279, 292--95 (2005); Sanjay Mody, Note, Brown Footnote Eleven in Histori-
cal Context: Social Science and the Supreme Court’s Quest for Legitimacy, 54 Stan. L. Rev. 793, 803--09 (2002).
6
Allison Orr Larsen, Factual Precedents, 162 U. Pa. L. Rev. 59, 62 (2013).
7
Elkins v. United States, 364 U.S. 206, 218 (1960).
8
See Section III for a list of these cases.
9
Arizona Free Enter. v. Bennett, 131 S. Ct. 2806, 2823 (2011).
10
See Section III for a list of these cases.
619The Negative Effect Fallacy

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