The myth of the sole inventor.

AuthorLemley, Mark A.
PositionEncouraging simultaneous invention via patent races

The theory of patent law is based on the idea that a lone genius can solve problems that stump the experts, and that the lone genius will do so only if properly incented. But the canonical story of the lone genius inventor is largely a myth. Surveys of hundreds of significant new technologies show that almost all of them are invented simultaneously or nearly simultaneously by two or more teams working independently of each other. Invention appears in significant part to be a social, not an individual, phenomenon. The result is a real problem for classic theories of patent law. Our dominant theory of patent law doesn't seem to explain the way we actually implement that law.

Maybe the problem is not with our current patent law, but with our current patent theory. But the dominant alternative theories of patent law don't do much better. Prospect theory--under which we give a patent early to one company so it can control research and development--makes little sense in a world in which ideas are in the air and are likely to be happened upon by numerous inventors at about the same time. And commercialization theory, which hypothesizes that we grant patents in order to encourage not invention but product development, seems to founder on a related historical fact: most first inventors turn out to be lousy commercializers who end up delaying implementation of the invention by exercising their rights.

If patent law in its current form can be saved, we need an alternative justification for granting patents in circumstances of near-simultaneous invention. I offer another possibility: patent rights encourage patent races, and that might actually be a good thing. Patent racing cannot alone justify a patent system, but it may do more than any existing theory to explain how patents work in practice.

TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I. THE OVERWHELMING PREVALENCE OF SIMULTANEOUS INVENTION A. Studies of Simultaneous Invention B. Pioneering Inventions C. The Exceptions II. THEORY DIVORCED FROM HISTORY A. Is Patent Law Encouraging New Inventions? B. Commercializing Inventions C. Disclosure Theory III. PATENT RACES: TOWARD AN ALTERNATIVE THEORY OF PATENT LAW CONCLUSION INTRODUCTION

Any elementary school student can recite a number of canonical American invention stories. Thomas Edison invented the lightbulb from his famous home laboratory in Menlo Park, New Jersey. Alexander Graham Bell invented the telephone, again from his home invention laboratory, and famously used the phone to call his assistant, saying "Come here, Watson, I need you." Orville and Wilbur Wright invented the airplane from their bicycle shop, taking it to Kitty Hawk, North Carolina to put it in the air. The list of lone genius inventors goes on and on: Samuel Morse and his telegraph, Eli Whitney and his cotton gin, Robert Fulton and his steamboat, Philo Farnsworth and the television, and so on.

Patent law is built around these canonical tales. First written in 1790, in the first year of Congress, the patent law betrays its individual-inventor bias at various points, from the requirement that patents always issue to individuals rather than to companies to the traditional rule that the first to invent, not the first to file, is entitled to the patent. (1) More importantly, the very theory of patent law is based on the idea that a lone genius can solve problems that stump the experts, and that the lone genius will do so only if properly incented by the lure of a patent. We deny patents on inventions that are "obvious" to ordinarily innovative scientists in the field. Our goal is to encourage extraordinary inventions--those that we wouldn't expect to get without the incentive of a patent.

The canonical story of the lone genius inventor is largely a myth. Edison didn't invent the lightbulb; he found a bamboo fiber that worked better as a filament in the lightbulb developed by Sawyer and Man, who in turn built on lighting work done by others. Bell filed for his telephone patent on the very same day as an independent inventor, Elisha Gray; the case ultimately went to the U.S. Supreme Court, which filled an entire volume of the United States Reports resolving the question of whether Bell could have a patent despite the fact that he hadn't actually gotten the invention to work at the time he filed. The Wright Brothers were the first to fly at Kitty Hawk as a result of an improvement they made to a basic wing structure designed by others, but their plane didn't work very well. It was quickly surpassed by aircraft built by Glenn Curtiss and others--planes that the Wrights delayed by over a decade with patent lawsuits. And on and on.

The point can be made more generally: surveys of hundreds of significant new technologies show that almost all of them are invented simultaneously or nearly simultaneously by two or more teams working independently of each other. Invention appears in significant part to be a social, not an individual, phenomenon. Inventors build on the work of those who came before, and new ideas are often either "in the air" or result from changes in market demand or the availability of new or cheaper starting materials. And in the few circumstances where that is not true--where inventions truly are "singletons"--it is often because of an accident or error in the experiment rather than a conscious effort to invent. (2)

This result is a real problem for classic theories of patent law. If we are supposed to be encouraging only inventions that others in the field couldn't have made, we should be paying much more attention than we currently do to simultaneous invention. We should be issuing very few patents--surely not the 200,000 per year that we do today. (3) And we should be denying patents on the vast majority of the most important inventions, since most of those seem to involve near-simultaneous invention. Put simply, our dominant theory of patent law doesn't seem to explain the way we actually implement that law.

Maybe the problem is not with our current patent law but with our current patent theory. But the dominant alternative theories of patent law don't do much better. Prospect theory--under which we give patents early to one company so it can control research and development--makes little sense in a world in which ideas are in the air and are likely to be happened upon by numerous inventors at about the same time. Commercialization theory, which hypothesizes that we grant patents in order to encourage not invention but product development, seems to founder on a related historical fact: most first inventors turn out to be lousy commercializers who end up delaying implementation of the invention by exercising their rights. And disclosure theory, which justifies the grant of patents on the assumption that scientists read and learn from them, fails to grapple with the way learning occurs in the real world.

If patent theory is to align with real-world experience, we need an alternative justification for granting patents in circumstances of near-simultaneous invention. In Part III, this Article offers another possibility. Patent rights encourage patent races. While patent races are usually derided as wasteful, there is reason to think that they might actually be a good thing. Invention might be motivated, or at least hastened, not merely by the hope of reward but by the fear of losing a race to a competitor who in turn obtains a dominant patent. This new "patent racing" theory turns the traditional incentive story on its head, ironically granting strong exclusive rights in order to promote competition, not monopoly.

There is support for the patent racing idea in the history of major inventions, but it is far from uniform. And patent racing theory does not fully justify patent law in its current form. As a result, I offer some suggestions for reforming patent law to take account of patent races given the prevalence of simultaneous invention. But more research needs to be done before we are confident enough in the broad application of this theory to change patent law to conform to it. The result is, admittedly, somewhat unsatisfying. The evidence suggests that our primary theories of innovation don't support patent law in its current form, but there is not yet enough evidence to suggest a theory to replace it. This doesn't mean we should jettison the patent system; there is evidence that it has served the country well. But it may well mean we need to rethink the stories we tell ourselves about why we patent.

Part I discusses the remarkable prevalence of simultaneous invention throughout history. Part II examines the problems this fact creates for each of the dominant theories of patent law. Part III considers whether patent law can be salvaged, and if so, how.

  1. THE OVERWHELMING PREVALENCE OF SIMULTANEOUS INVENTION

    While patent law is based on the belief that important inventions are exceptional--that is, not obvious to most people in the field--the history of major inventions doesn't bear out that belief. The overwhelming majority of inventions, including the overwhelming majority of so-called "pioneering" inventions, are in fact developed by individuals or groups working independently at roughly the same time.

    1. Studies of Simultaneous Invention

      Multiple, independent studies (4) show that what Merton calls "singletons" are extraordinarily rare sorts of inventions. (5) Indeed, Lamb and Easton call multiple, simultaneous invention "the pattern of scientific progress." (6) Merton's classic work suggests that inventions occur not merely because an individual did something particularly creative or surprising, but because the time and conditions were right. (7) There are two components to this idea. First, invention is not a discontinuity, but an incremental step in an ongoing process. Inventors work with the tools they are given and try to improve those tools or use them to make something new. Schoenmakers and Duysters studied 157 different...

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